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Eugeniusz Ponczek, Dyskurs o kulturze w polskiej myśli politycznej (1939–1945), Toruń, Dom Wydawniczy DUET, ss. 466

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Sepkowski A.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2008
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vol. 19
281-283
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Mesjanizm a amerykański misjonizm polityczny

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Sepkowski A.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2007
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vol. 18
254-271
EN
Religion is a central part of human experience, influencing what we perceive and react to the environment un which we live. There is no country in the world where the christan religion retains a greater influence over the souls of men than in America – as noticed Tocqueville. America was where good and evil would struggle in a continuing battle for supremacy in full view of the rest of the world. Americans believe that the America’s divine mission would ensure a victory of light over darkness but the various narratives of that mission have been frequently aware of the darkness of failure. Americans prophets located America as the place where God’s plans for the world be realised, where the “sun of righteousness” would shine over a paradise set in wilderness of the West, but the same time they could issue apocalyptic warnings about the over-present threat of hell and eternal damnation. The religious dimension to the story of America where good and evil exist alongside each other has been a pervasive theme in country’s expressive culture, giving it a powerful resonance beyond history of specific churches and often endowing its language with special meaning and force. From this pesrpective religious imagery and religious themes have had a considerable influence on the way Americans have reflected and acted, not only in literatute, but also in political language and rhetoric. Americans is a nation with the soul of church – wrote Huntington and we try to bring nearer this soiul and church. This church have a mission and this mission was truer expansion of national spirit. This was present form the beginning of American history and it is present, clearly, today. It was idealistic, self-denying, hopeful fo divine favor for national aspirations. It made itself heard most authentically in times of emergency, of ordeal, of disaster. Its language was that of dedication to the enduring values of American civilization. Mission was the force that thought to curb expansion of the agressive variety. A sense of missionism to redeem the Old World by high example was generated in pionieers of idealistic spirit on their arrived to the New World. It was generated by the potentialise of new earth for building a new heaven. It appeared thereafter in succesive generations of Americans with changes in the type of mission unaltered. By the time of Jackson it included a concept of democracy greatly widened, by Wilson days it meant Fourteen Points, by the time of second Roosevelt the Four Freedom and by the Bush Junior war with terrorism. In add these enlargments of mission the Goddes of Liberty holding aloft the light to the world seemed to to Americans to be, in reality themselves.
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Ziemska soteriologia Ameryki

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Sepkowski A.
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
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2014
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vol. 19
55-62
EN
The search for salvation is an obviously important component of the quest. For many people in this essentially individualistic culture, it is a preoccupation that virtually eclipses the idea of social justice, the other central dimension of the search. At the very least, the pursuit of salvation offers a point of entry. Definitions of salvation are diverse and often incompatibilie. In American civil religion everyone had a right to pass through the zone of abundance, and in time, it was thought, everyone would. As the goal of general abundance was approached the major social problems of discrimination, poverty, unemployment, divisive material inequalities and environmental stress would become manageable. Some people might define abundance itself as the promised land: others might move on from material satiety to new psychological and spiritual frontiers.
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Globalizm: wizje i projekty państwa globalnego

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Sepkowski A.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2019
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vol. 62
127-145
EN
The intensifying connections between states and peoples, better known as globalization, are now frequently presumed to create the need for governance and rule-making at the global level. According to such a view, only with global governance (for the author it is globalism) will states and peoples be able to cooperate on economic, environmental, security and political issues, settle their disputes in a nonviolent manner and advance their common interests and values. Absent of global government, states are likely to retreat behind protective barriers and re-create the conditions for enduring conflict. Global governance is thought to bring out the best in the international community and rescue it from its worst instincts. As we see, globalization entails a systemic transformation of the organization of politics and economics from the modern state system grounded in sovereign territoriality to a still unclear mode of organization that will entail non-territorial, transnational governance structures. It is a period characterized by “governance without government”. Although many of international institutions are representatives of democratically elected governments, this fact is not well understood and often not transparent. Charles Kindleberger, the economic historian, once said that nation states may be about the right size politically but are too small to be meaningful culturally. Yet, it is clear that existing institutions of global governance are not yet meaningful to most people and lack political legitimacy, although a large and growing number of significant problems can only be dealt with internationally. The task is to resolve the negative consequences of globalization through a governance structure responsive to a wide range of needs and concerns and consistent with effective participatory.
PL
Coraz intensywniejsze powiązania między państwami i ludźmi, lepiej znane jako globalizacja, są dziś przesłankami do sądów o konieczności wykreowania rządów i form zarządzania na poziomie globalnym. Zgadzający się na taki ogląd utrzymują, że tylko poprzez rząd globalny / dla autora jest to globalizm / państwa i narody będą mogły kooperować na wielu polach od ekonomicznej poczynając, a politycznej i bezpieczeństwa kończąc, prowadząc dialog w sposób pokojowy, bezkonfliktowy. Brak zarządzania globalnego owocuje barierami, protekcjonizmem i warunkami sprzyjającymi konfliktom. Idea globalnego państwa jest zamysłem wprowadzenia tego, co najlepsze, w społeczność międzynarodową i uratowania jej od form zła spotykanych dziś. Zauważamy, iż globalizm ma pociągać za sobą systematyczną transformację organizacji politycznej i ekonomicznej państw umocowanych w suwerenności terytorialnej w kierunku wciąż niejasnych kształtów nieterytorialnych, nadnarodowych struktur rządzenia. Obecnie żyjemy w okresie charakteryzowanym jako „rządzenie bez rządu”. Chociaż wiele międzynarodowych instytucji jest reprezentowanych przez demokratycznie wybierane rządy, to te fakty ani są dobrze zrozumiałe, ani transparentne. Ch. Kindleberger, historyk ekonomii, powiedział pewnego razu, że państwa narodowe mogą sobie radzić politycznie, ale są zbyt małe, by znaczyć wiele kulturowo. Oczywiście jasne jest, że istniejące już instytucje niewiele znaczą dla większości ludzi i brak im politycznej legitymacji, chociaż wiele z wciąż potężniejących problemów może być rozwiązanych tylko przez współpracę międzynarodową. Zadanie łagodzenia negatywnych konsekwencji globalizacji poprzez struktury zarządzania globalnego może powiększyć zasięg potrzeb i przesłanek do efektywnej współpracy.
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Strachy Ameryki

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Sepkowski A.
Studia Politologiczne
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2009
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vol. 13
100-117
EN
The search for safety is an obviously important component of the quest. As we think the pursuit of security offers us a point of entry. In the article the Author considers the usefulness of making questions about social fears. We are convinced, that societies exist through a process of transmission of habits, of modes of doing, thinking and of feeling from the older to younger. Without this communication of ideals, hopes, fears, expectations, opinions from these members of society who are passing out of the group life to those, who are introduced into it, social life could not survive. The Author’s main attention is focused on Americans fears inside and outside of the country from its beginning to nowadays. Every nation experiences its own fears and hopes and every tries to habituate them. America’s fears, created its own, very special politics. We can see it in “civil religion” – mixture of democracy, freedom and religion and of a number of other ingredients. This “religion” generally grants America a special place in the divine order. It is like faith with its own symbols and rituals, saints and sancta, hopes and fears. In the name of their own fears and hopes Americans tend to be moralistic: they are inclined to see all issues as plain and simple, black and white. Every struggle in which they are seriously engaged becomes a “crusade”. America’s fears begin to create fears of the rest of the World.
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Zbawienie w postępie

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Sepkowski A.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 34
271-290
EN
In this article we will consider the usefulness of making questions about the myth of progress, part oh human life from biblical times. As we see the possessions of common set of ideas, rituals and symbols can supply an overarching sense of unity even in a society riddled with conflicts . We are convinced that the search for salvation in progress is an obviously component of the quest. For many people in this essentially individualistic culture, it is preoccupation that virtually eclipses the ideas of future with social justice, equality. Every dream about justice world also takes a political and social forms. We are dualistic and our dualism provided the basis for an uneasy accommodation between faith and knowledge. Faith means progress, knowledge retrogression. Man is homo religious, he wants to believe as much, as he needs to breathe, he needs faith for living. That’s why he believe in old myth of progress. The idea of cumulative progress was born long time ago, together with the man, who believed in salvation on earth and is the part of man’s life. It grows from hopes and fears and as we can to observe it’s changing in time, and always be a part of man’s life.
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Rozumienie materializmu historycznego przez Stanisława Trusiewicza

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Sepkowski A.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
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1990
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issue 39
75-87
FR
Le présent article est consacréà l’apport théorique de Stanisław Trusiewicz-Zalewski, qui jouait un rôle important dans l’activité de l’organisation nationale de SDKPiL (la Socio-Démocratie du Royaume Polonais et de la Lituanie) au début de son existence. Exdu de l'activité au sein du parti par Tyszko et Luxemburg, il abandonna le рarti sans pourtant rejetter ses principes. L’oeuvre de Trusiewicz est constituée dans sa majeure partie par les articles consacré sà la théorie de la lutte actuelle mais elle contient aussi des essais d'interprétation plus profonde du maxisme et, surtout, la dissertation De la conception marxiste de l'histoire constituant une discussion avec les théories paralysant le mouvement socialiste de Rosa Luxemburg. Cette dissertation n’est pas quitte des erreurs propres à son époque, de l’antropocentrisme, du praxisme, de la conception du marxisme comme le matérialisme historique seulement, mais Trusiewicz arrive à éviter les pièges de l'interprétation naturalis te du marxisme, les simplications de la théorie de la formation ou de la caractéristique de la superstructure, ce qui fait par conséquent que son commentaire au marxisme historique ne s'avère pas comme une théorie ne prétendant qu’à la description et l'exploitation du monde mais aussi à sa transformation. L'interpretation de Trusiewicz, pleine d'abréviations, n’est pas quand même une l'imitation de la réalité conçue du point de vue théorique mais aussi de la réalité pratique et do l'existence en général.
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