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Zakład karny i wykonanie kary pozbawienia wolności w opinii społeczności lokalnej

100%
Mościskier A.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
1984
|
issue XI
245-267
EN
Basically, the study concers three  problems. Firstly, an attempt was made to explain the mechanism which led to the results obtained by other authors. They found a supposedly most rigorous attitude of the Polish society towards law breakers, which was to become manifest in the demands for relentless and severe punishment of such persons. This highly rigorous attitude has been confirmed in the present study too, yet only in answers to questions drawn up as generally as those put by the mentioned authors. As the level of abstractness of the questions is lowered, the rigorous attitude diminishes, which finds expression, among others, in the disapproval of a number of penalties applied by regulation during the execution of imprisonment.       Secondly  the attitude of the local community was presented not only towards prisoners, but also towards prison einployees. As compared with many other occupations, the prestige of prison employees is rather low, yet in spite of a certain social isolation, their general opinion is not negative. It is also worthy of attention that the sense of social distance between prisoners and community was les marked than expected.       Thirdly, the attitude was described towards prison as a physical object and an institution in the local community. This problem was studies by means of questions about the opinion on the very fact of existence of such an object in twon, the possible impact the prison has on economy, supplies, etc., an  the citizens’  feeling of safety. In this formulation, the results fail to point to the existence of markedly negative attitudes, though some socio-demographic features of the examined persons tend  to differentiate their answers.       The study was realized from 1979 till 1981. In spite of the considerable interval and the differences in the country's respective social situations, the answers given by the examined persons from both groups were nearly parallel to each other.      In 1979, random samples of adults were examined, inhabitants of two towns, about 25 thousand inhabitants each, in which there were prisons. In one of these towns, the prison had been established over 20 years before, while in the second one, it was only a few years old. In each town, 200 persons were examined by means of a questionnaire, which makes the total of 400 examined persons.        In 1981, 462 persons were examined by means of the same questionnaire, who were selected with the use of "Quota Sampling" from the population of 10 towns of 11 to 95 thousand of inhabitants, in which there were prisons.        The study was intentionally realized in towns of medium population. The aim was to examine communities large enough for the prison not to dominate them on the one hand, and on the other hand, small enough to enable an assumption that a majority of inhabitants have a certain knowledge and opinions about the prison acquired through observation and nin-institutionalized flow of information.       As regards the opinion on imprisonment, it should first of all be stressed that over  50 per cent of the examined persons are of opinion that the essential aim oi this type of penalty should be the resocialization of prisoners. About 23 per cent of answers concerning this problem referred to the idea of individual prevention; 12-18 per cent of the examined persons were of opinion that imprisonment should serve to protect the society from the criminal by isolating him for a certain period of time; about 6 per cent of answers pointed to retribution as the aim of punishment, while  as few as 2-3 per cent considered the aim to be general prevention.        However, to find out if the attitude of the examined persons was rigorous or tolerant, answers to other questions were more significant, that is those concerning the mothods of execution of imprisonment, i.e., the penalties and rewards applied  towards  prisoners and the rights they enjoy. Here, a significant trend appeared to turn from rigorous to tolerant  attitudes as the level of generality of questions lowered. It seems that questions about certain abstract principles, which in the mind of an average man have no connection with any actual situation or person,  provoked answers which hinted at a rigorous attitude; yet whenever the same respondent had to answer a question which allowed him to realize the details of a given situation or the position of a given persons in such circumstances, the tolerant attitude prevailed.       Thus, for instance, as many as over 70 per cent of the examined persons approved of the most  general  statement that  „in prison, strict discipline should reign”.  When another question was asked, this time less generally formulated,  if „all amenities of life and attractive activities should be reduced to a minimum”, the numbers of approving and disapproving answers were more or less equal, which points to the lowering of the level of rigorism. The answers to further questions concerning definite cases frankly contradict  those given  to the former questions and point to a markedly tolerant attitude. Thus, for example, the question if „a prisoner should have free access to newspapers, radio, and TV in his leisure time”, was answered in the affirmative by over 75 per cent of the examined persons.       Also the questions about definite penalties and rewards applied towards prisoners were answered in a way which seems to point to the prevalence of tolerant attitudes over rigorism. The majority of the examined persons are for abolition or limitation of penalties provided by prison regulations and for granting the prisoners with a number of rights, such as unlimited receipt of parcels, letters, and visitors from the outside (prison regulations limit the number of such prisoners' contacts with the outside world and treat any extension of these contacts as a special reward). The examined  persons were also for alegal regulation of the sphere of prisoners' work, pointing to the need for making the working conditions in prison resemble those generally found in State-controlled economy.       Also the rational attitude of the public opinion towards prison should be stressed. The prison is perceived as an institution which could play a greater part than before in the life of the local community, particularly through including prisoners in the borader social unit and increasing their participation in the town’s economic activity. The citizens’ expectations point in this direction, accompanied also by the favourable opinion as to the extending of the prisoners' range of personal liberty outside the prison walls. In this connection, also the attitude of fear of the prisoners was much less marked than had been expected, as well as the bias against them, both of which appear in principle only as regards a small group of dangerous criminals.       The attitude of the local community towards prison employees is a completely separate problem. It is characterized by a peculiar ambivalence: on the one hand, prison employees enjoy a good reputation as persons and members of the local community, their financial status perceived as decidedly higher than that of an average citizen. On the other hand, however, the social status of a prison employee is estimated as very low, as compared with other professions, which is accompanied by a stressed disapproval revealed by the examined persons of the very fact of working in a prison. This may lead to a conclusion that in the social consciousness disfavourable opinion persists as to the human relations in prison and the nature of work of prison employees. This is an additional factor which speaks for changes in the system of execution of the penalty of deprivation of liberty which would modernize it and adjust it to the contemporary progressive trends in the world. The present study has not only confirmed the existence of social support for such changes but it has also revealed the conducive atmosphere to a far-reaching reform in this field.
PL
     Basically, the study concers three  problems. Firstly, an attempt was made to explain the mechanism which led to the results obtained by other authors. They found a supposedly most rigorous attitude of the Polish society towards law breakers, which was to become manifest in the demands for relentless and severe punishment of such persons. This highly rigorous attitude has been confirmed in the present study too, yet only in answers to questions drawn up as generally as those put by the mentioned authors. As the level of abstractness of the questions is lowered, the rigorous attitude diminishes, which finds expression, among others, in the disapproval of a number of penalties applied by regulation during the execution of imprisonment.       Secondly  the attitude of the local community was presented not only towards prisoners, but also towards prison einployees. As compared with many other occupations, the prestige of prison employees is rather low, yet in spite of a certain social isolation, their general opinion is not negative. It is also worthy of attention that the sense of social distance between prisoners and community was les marked than expected.       Thirdly, the attitude was described towards prison as a physical object and an institution in the local community. This problem was studies by means of questions about the opinion on the very fact of existence of such an object in twon, the possible impact the prison has on economy, supplies, etc., an  the citizens’  feeling of safety. In this formulation, the results fail to point to the existence of markedly negative attitudes, though some socio-demographic features of the examined persons tend  to differentiate their answers.       The study was realized from 1979 till 1981. In spite of the considerable interval and the differences in the country's respective social situations, the answers given by the examined persons from both groups were nearly parallel to each other.      In 1979, random samples of adults were examined, inhabitants of two towns, about 25 thousand inhabitants each, in which there were prisons. In one of these towns, the prison had been established over 20 years before, while in the second one, it was only a few years old. In each town, 200 persons were examined by means of a questionnaire, which makes the total of 400 examined persons.        In 1981, 462 persons were examined by means of the same questionnaire, who were selected with the use of "Quota Sampling" from the population of 10 towns of 11 to 95 thousand of inhabitants, in which there were prisons.        The study was intentionally realized in towns of medium population. The aim was to examine communities large enough for the prison not to dominate them on the one hand, and on the other hand, small enough to enable an assumption that a majority of inhabitants have a certain knowledge and opinions about the prison acquired through observation and nin-institutionalized flow of information.       As regards the opinion on imprisonment, it should first of all be stressed that over  50 per cent of the examined persons are of opinion that the essential aim oi this type of penalty should be the resocialization of prisoners. About 23 per cent of answers concerning this problem referred to the idea of individual prevention; 12-18 per cent of the examined persons were of opinion that imprisonment should serve to protect the society from the criminal by isolating him for a certain period of time; about 6 per cent of answers pointed to retribution as the aim of punishment, while  as few as 2-3 per cent considered the aim to be general prevention.        However, to find out if the attitude of the examined persons was rigorous or tolerant, answers to other questions were more significant, that is those concerning the mothods of execution of imprisonment, i.e., the penalties and rewards applied  towards  prisoners and the rights they enjoy. Here, a significant trend appeared to turn from rigorous to tolerant  attitudes as the level of generality of questions lowered. It seems that questions about certain abstract principles, which in the mind of an average man have no connection with any actual situation or person,  provoked answers which hinted at a rigorous attitude; yet whenever the same respondent had to answer a question which allowed him to realize the details of a given situation or the position of a given persons in such circumstances, the tolerant attitude prevailed.       Thus, for instance, as many as over 70 per cent of the examined persons approved of the most  general  statement that  „in prison, strict discipline should reign”.  When another question was asked, this time less generally formulated,  if „all amenities of life and attractive activities should be reduced to a minimum”, the numbers of approving and disapproving answers were more or less equal, which points to the lowering of the level of rigorism. The answers to further questions concerning definite cases frankly contradict  those given  to the former questions and point to a markedly tolerant attitude. Thus, for example, the question if „a prisoner should have free access to newspapers, radio, and TV in his leisure time”, was answered in the affirmative by over 75 per cent of the examined persons.       Also the questions about definite penalties and rewards applied towards prisoners were answered in a way which seems to point to the prevalence of tolerant attitudes over rigorism. The majority of the examined persons are for abolition or limitation of penalties provided by prison regulations and for granting the prisoners with a number of rights, such as unlimited receipt of parcels, letters, and visitors from the outside (prison regulations limit the number of such prisoners' contacts with the outside world and treat any extension of these contacts as a special reward). The examined  persons were also for alegal regulation of the sphere of prisoners' work, pointing to the need for making the working conditions in prison resemble those generally found in State-controlled economy.       Also the rational attitude of the public opinion towards prison should be stressed. The prison is perceived as an institution which could play a greater part than before in the life of the local community, particularly through including prisoners in the borader social unit and increasing their participation in the town’s economic activity. The citizens’ expectations point in this direction, accompanied also by the favourable opinion as to the extending of the prisoners' range of personal liberty outside the prison walls. In this connection, also the attitude of fear of the prisoners was much less marked than had been expected, as well as the bias against them, both of which appear in principle only as regards a small group of dangerous criminals.       The attitude of the local community towards prison employees is a completely separate problem. It is characterized by a peculiar ambivalence: on the one hand, prison employees enjoy a good reputation as persons and members of the local community, their financial status perceived as decidedly higher than that of an average citizen. On the other hand, however, the social status of a prison employee is estimated as very low, as compared with other professions, which is accompanied by a stressed disapproval revealed by the examined persons of the very fact of working in a prison. This may lead to a conclusion that in the social consciousness disfavourable opinion persists as to the human relations in prison and the nature of work of prison employees. This is an additional factor which speaks for changes in the system of execution of the penalty of deprivation of liberty which would modernize it and adjust it to the contemporary progressive trends in the world. The present study has not only confirmed the existence of social support for such changes but it has also revealed the conducive atmosphere to a far-reaching reform in this field.
2
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Nieprzystosowanie społeczne i środowiska rodzinne młodzieży systematycznie nadużywającej alkoholu

100%
Mościskier A.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
1982
|
issue VIII-IX
339-362
EN
The present paper is a report on the studies conducted in the years 1975-77, dealing with a group of young regularly excessively drinking men aged 18-25. The population from which the sample was randomly drawn consisted of men aged 18-25 inhabiting 4 of the 7 districts of Warsaw and reported by the district constables of the police as persons regularly excessively drinking (that is, getting drunk more frequently than once a week). The district constables reported the total of 1,273 men meeting the above criteria, which makes about 3% of the number of all men of this age living in these districts. In reality, the percentage of men of this age regularly excessively drinking is probably much higher, as a considerable number of constables stated that they worked in their districts for too short a period to know all the persons living there who would qualify for the study. From the mentioned population, 331 persons were randomly drawn for the study. The materials employed consist of interviews with the mothers of the examined persons and of information from official sources court records, prison files, documents of juvenile courts and detoxication centres. The similar data were gathered as regards all brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25. When beginning the study, it was acknowledged that considering the criteria for the selection of the population, first of all persons with negative family background would be selected and that this very environmental  characteristic would be the main determinant of differentiating the main group from the control group, where the family background - as it was easy to foresee - would be of a more favourable character. It was thus decided to eliminate the influence of family background variable in the selection of the control group, so as to render possible the protrusion - of other characteristics which differentiate the persons regularly excessively drinking from those of the control group. Considering this, the control group was made of all brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25 but were not reported by the district constables as regularly excessively drinking. There were 111 brothers meeting these criteria, and they make the control group in the present study. The first part of the study was to verify if the family background of the examined persons and those included in the control group was indeed as negative as presumed. In this case, the hypnothesis was fully confirmed. Among the 311 families of those examined as many as 166 (53,3%) were one-parent or broken families which dated back to the time when the persons under examination had been minors. The families were in general numerous, average being 3 children per family, while there were 88 (28.3%) families with 4 or more children. For the further characterization of the families the data regarding fathers were employed. It turned out that 158 (50.8%) fathers were regularly excessively drinking; in fact in the majority of cases they were alcoholics. At least 98 (31.5%) fathers were convicted by courts and 91 (29.3%) by the Penal Administrative Commissions. Taking all these three characteristics together, it was stated that as many as 194 (62,4%) fathers were regularly excessively drinking or had criminal records. These data point to the large intensity of pathological phenomena in the families of persons under examination and their brothers from the control group. And yet on the other hand, taking into account the social and professional status (education and profession) of the fathers, their situation in this respect was found better than supposed, though they belonged to the lower social classes. The second part of the study deals with the extent of social maladjustment of persons under examination and their brothers from the control group. Apart from the fact that - according to the principles of sample selection - all the persons should have been regular heavy drinkers, the gathered data were verified in respect of their confirmation of this fact. As regularly excessively drinking the persons were recognized who - according to their mother’s statements - got drunk more often than once a week or had been taken into the detoxication entre. There were 253 (76.4%) such persons in the main group and 44 (40%) in the control group. Also, a category of persons who drank most frequently was distinguished, those who were probably alcoholics. In this category there were included persons who - according to their mothers’ statements - got drunk at least twice a week or had been taken into the Detoxication Centre at least three times. There were 122 (37%) such persons in the main group, and 17 (16%) in the control group. As to the symptoms of social maladjustment, they were decidedly greater in the main group than in the control group, which dated back as far as their childhood. And so, for instance, severe school problems (uncompleted elementary education or repeating classes) were found in 60.7% of the examined persons and in 42.3% of their brothers from the control group. 57.1% of the examined persons and 30.6% of their brothers from control group  committed thefts outside their home and respectively 23.9% and 10.8% were placed in reformatories in consequence of their stealing. The differences in the extent of social maladjustment among both groups increased with age, and grew particularly large in the age of adulthood. And so, as many as 57.1% of the examined persons stayed out of work or worked irregularly as compared with 21.6% of their brothers from the control group. Suicidal attempts and self-injuries were performed by 29.3% of persons under scrutiny and by 9% of their brothers from the control group. There are also obvious differences as to the extent of delinquency in both groups. 42% of the persons examined and only 17.1% of their brothers had action brought against them in Penal Administrative Commissions and 60.1% of the persons examined and 28.8% of their brothers were convicted by court. Taking into account those convicted by court only, the percentage of recidivists was 50.8% in the test group and 46.9% in the control group, whereas the character of delinquency was similar in both groups, the majority being violent offences. Considering the fact that the control group consisted of brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25, the great difference in the occurrence of the symptoms of social maladjustment between the two groups should be emphasized. Considering the decidedly negative character of the family background of both the persons examined and their brothers from the control group, the extent of social maladjustment in both groups could have been expected to be similar. On the other hand, it could be assumed that from the very criterion of selection to the main group - that is, from the information that the person in question regularly drank excessively, while there was no such information as to the brothers from the control group - it appears that alcohol is the factor that causes the larger extent of social maladjustment among the persons examined as compared with their brothers from the control group. However, this argument seems doubtful in the light of the data as to the social maladjustment during childhood, when drinking did not as yet come into question. As early as in the childhood, the persons examined manifested symptoms of social maladjustment to a decidedly higher degree than their brothers from the control group. In thus seems more probable that the larger intensity both of drunkness, and of other symptoms of social maladjustment is based on the personality characteristics, which are revealed in the early childhood. It is, however, beyond the limits of the present study to supply documentary evidence for this argument or to point out - on the basis of the empirical data - some individualistic characteristics influencing the subsequent social maladjustment; it will be accomplished in another study. This problem was, however, worthy of attention, being important for the theory as well as for practice, all the more so as the trend now prevails to take into account first of all the environmental factors in preventive and corrective treatment. The material presented above seems to suggest that the extent of social maladjustment among different persons with equally negative family backgrounds is influenced at least to the same and perhaps even greater degree by individual psychological than by environmental factors.
3
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Przestępczość w rejonach uprzemysławianych i zależność dynamiki przestępczości od dynamiki procesów społeczno-gospodarczych (lata 1958-1960 oraz 1964-1966)

100%
Mościskier A.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
1969
|
issue IV
105-147
EN
The study consists of two parts. The first part is concerned with the development of delinquency in 4 regions under intensified industrialization programmes, whereas the other part deals with the relationships between the dynamics of socio-economic processes and the dynamics of delinquency, against the background of all the provinces in Poland. The studies discussed in both parts have been based on the police statistics of offences reported on and they embrace two periods: 1958-1960 and, 1964-1966. I. To illustrate a socio-demographical character of the 4 regions under intensified industrialization programmes, in addition to a periodization of the industrialization processes, presented by Professor J. Szczepański, also a scheme of socio-demographic processes in regions under industrialization programmes, prepared by Professor Rajkiewicz, has been taken into account. Stages of industrialization on the regional levels, differentiated by Professor J. Szczepański, are as follows: 1. Planning, which includes only those tasks which are considered indispensable for preparing an all-aspect industrialization plan on the particular region's level. 2. Construction of new industrial objects and substantial auxiliary premises. 3. Initial start of new industrial plants and completion of substantial auxiliary premises. 4. Achievement of stabilization and the new balance of conditions. In Piofessor A. Rajkiewicz's scheme of socio-demografic processes in regions under industrialization programmes, the following components have been differentiated (according to their growing intensification): migration processes, occupational activation of unemployed labour, employment mobility (chiefly consisting in frequent changes of places of employment by unskilled labour), achievement and improvement of occupational skill, crew forming in new places of employment. Empirical indices have been determined for such processes and it has been ascertained at the same time, that both intensification and dynamics of migration processes, activation of unemployed labour and employment mobility, generally speaking, achieved greatest intensity in stages of construction of industrial objects and of initial start of new industrial plants (especially in its primitive phase). On the other hand, the processes of achievement and improvement of occupational skills as well as that of the formation of crews in new places of employment were particularly characteristic for the stage of stabilization and new balance of interhuman relations. Problems of migration processes, occupational activation of unemployed labour as well as the problem of employment mobility, are related with the increased horizontal mobility. Since their nature consists either in mass migration or in frequent changes of places of employment by unskilled labour, therefore, those processes lead to the relaxation of environmental ties and to the slackening of social control over the individuals concerned. Thus, such processes may favour the development of certain forms of social disorganization including the intensification of delinquency. The processes of achievęment and improvement of occupational qualifications by those employed in the national economy or the processes of crew forming in new places of employment substantially consist in achieving a mass advance of individuals within a social structure and create conditions capable of developing stabilized communities with a normally functioning social control. Therefore, such processes may be recognized to be one of the social vertical mobility forms which consists in a mass advance of social nature in the population of the region concerned. Such a phenomenon should exercise some inhibitive influence on any signs of social disorganization and, consequently, on a decrease in delinquency.  The abovementioned hypotheses have been confirmed by the findings obtained from the investigations of the development of delinquency observed in 4 regions under intensified industrialization programmes. To begin with, the total delinquency rates and dynamics in the regions in question were confronted with those in the provinces concerned. As for 1964-1966, it had been found that delinquency rates in the regions under industrialization programmes were considerably higher than those in the provinces. The total delinquency rate per 10 thousand inhabitants of the regions under industrialization programmes was 131.89 while that of the provinces concerned - 104.10. The biggest difference was found in the offences against social property, the rates having been 34.01 and 20.75, respectively; a significant difference was also found in robberies (1.06 against 0.66), clerical offences, very severe and severe bodily injury and offences against private property. Having confronted the delinquency dynamics between 1958-1960 and 1964-1966, it has been established that in the latter period, the rates of delinquency had considerably increased in the regions under industrialization programmes and showed simultaneous decrease in the provinces concerned. The general delinquency rates in the regions increased by 19.9 percent and those in the provinces decreased by 11.4 per cent. In the regions under industrialization programmes, the highest increase was noted in the robbery rate, namely by 165.0 per cent, against that by 46,7 per cent in the provinces; next came offences against social property (an increase in rate by 55.9 per cent in the regions and a decrease by 12.7 per cent in the provinces), finally, offences against private property (an increase in rate by 16.9 in the regions and a decrease by 16.9 per cent in the province). Of particular importance seems to be a finding from that analysis which concludes that the increase in delinquency in the particular regions of intensified industrialization programmes appears to be closely related with the industrialization stages achieved in those particular regions, on the one hand, and with the intensity or-some of the abovediscussed socio-economic processes, on the other. In 1964-1966, out of the four studied regions under intensified industrialization programmes, the first one reached the stage of construction of industrial objects and substantial auxiliary premises, the second and the third - were in the course of the initial start of new industrial plants and the completion of substantial auxiliary premises, and in the fourth one - stabilization and new balance of conditions was partially achieved. At the same time, in the first three regions, one observed considerable intensity of migration processes, occupational activation of unemployed labour and employment mobility which - as has already been mentioned - were connected with the increased social horizontal mobility. However, in the fourth region, the intensity of such processes was already considerably lower though other processes manifested themselves more clearly, namely the processes of achievement and improvement of occupational skills by those employed in the social economy as well as the process of the formation of crews in new places of employment, i.e., those processes which owing to the nature of the mass social advance are one of the forms of social vertical mobility. In 1958-1960 and 1964-1966, in the first three regions of intensified industrialization, there was an apparent increase in delinquency rates, especially in the latter period, in which the regional rates were considerably higher than the provincial ones. But at the same time in the fourth region, there was an evident decrease in delinquency rates and as for 1964-1966, the rates were even lower than in the province concerned. It may then be assumed that it is only two stages of intensified industrialization which might be recognized as those whięh favour an increase in delinquency rates, namely: the stages of construction of new industrial objects and of the initial start of new plants. The most rapid increase in delinquency rates is observed in the course of a few years after capital investments have been commenced, i.e. in the stage of construction of new industrial objects and in the early stage of the initial start of new industrial plants. It should be expected that higher rates of delinquency in the regions of intensified industrialization have a temporary character only, connected with greater social horizontal mobility and will certainly decline in accordance with the intensification of the processes of social advance of the population concerned. II. In the second part of the study, the relationships between the dynamics of socio-economic processes and that of delinquency have been analysed on the basis of the material collected from all the provinces in Poland. 79 variables were used in the analysis, including 15 concerned with delinquency. The rate was defined as a per-cent increase or decrease in the individual variables values in 1964-1966 against 1958-1960 (the value of the variable for 1958-1960 was 100 per cent). A method by J. Perkal, a Polish mathematician, was used, the so called ,,analysis of a set of characteristic" which is a simplification of L. L. Thurstone's multiplefactor analysis. 18 factors, referred to as processes, were obtained. 6 of these are particularly important for the topic of this study. Before we proceed with the discussion of the findings of that analysis mention must be made of the fact that in Poland, as compared with 1958-1960, a general decrease in the number of offences took place in 1964-1966. This is reflected in the formulations, concerning the relationships between the dynamics of socio-economic processes and that of delinquency, where mostly a slower or quicker decease in the number of offences, connected with the given process, is mentioned and not an increase of the delinquency itself. First of all, let us list three essential processes - from the industrialization and urbanization problems point of view - which in the light of the analysis failed to have shown any significant relation with the delinquency dynamics: 1. The rate of the economic development of the provinces (it should be noted, however, that there is a slight dependence between that process and an increase in juvenile delinquency). 2. The rate of the industrialization progress in the provinces. 3. The rate of the increment of the urban population in the provinces (it should be pointed out that recently in Poland, contrary to many other countries, migration to towns, having to a considerable extent been limited and controlled, essentially consists in a migration of experts wanted for the national economy). Let us mention now three socio-economic processes whose relationships with the delinquency dynamics are apparent: 4. A process, clearly marked in certain provinces, characterized by swift increment of the density of population, showing stabilization in a majority of branches of the national economy, (except for an increase in agricultural production), a process which, as compared with other provinces, is connected with a slower decrease in general delinquency, and especially with a decrease in offences against social or private property and in very severe or severe bodily injury. A swift increment of the population number which, except for agriculture, in certain areas was not accompanied by adequately swift economic progress seems to be a factor that might have a disadvantageous effect on the development of delinquency, adding in those areas to a slower decrease in delinquency rates. 5. A process, marked in certain provinces only, in which an increase in the proportion of employees of the lowest education level is observed, is connected, as compared with other provinces, with a slower rate of decrease in the total number of offences, especially of those against social or private property, on one hand, and with a quicker rate of increase in offences against public order officers and in certain offences against the person, on the other. It should be noted that that particular process is approximate in character to one which was dealt with in the first part of this study, typical for intensified industrialization, a process, manifesting itself by increased fluctuations of crews in new employment places, i.e. one of employment mobility. 6. The rate of growth of capital investments in the provinces shows a significant relationship with a quicker rate of housebreaking and a slower decrease in the number of clerical offences. An increase in the number of housebreaking is probably related to increased numbers of unskilled and ill-stabilized labour employed in capital investments. These are, in our opinion, the most important social and economic processes, differentiated as a result of an analysis of the material collected, whose relationships with the delinquency dynamics have already been discussed. First of all, most interesting is the fact that in the reporting provinces and periods of time such processes, as economic development, increased industrialization and increment of the urban population do not reveal any relationships with the delinquency dynamics. General views claiming close relations between,the processes mentioned and delinquency had somehow been shaken thereby. The final findings of our analysis have been confirmed by an undoubtful fact that in the reporting period in the province of Katowice, the most industrialized and urbanized province in Poland, there was the highest decrease in delinquency rates as compared with other provinces, and in 7964-1966, delinquency rates for the province of Katowice were much lower than the average rates for the country as a whole. It may then be assumed that there is no causation between such processes, as economic development, increased industrialization and increment of the urban population and the delinquency dynamics. Should in certain studies the two phenomena be found to appear, this would probably be due to other factors which failed to have been differentiated in the findings of such studies. Having considered the conclusions set forth in points 5 and 6, we believe that one of such factors is the social horizontal mobility which diminishes human environmental ties and limits possibilities for social control of individuals. Let us remember that point 5 was connected with a process characterized, among other things, by increased fluctuations of new plants' crews while point 6 - with a process of increased rates of capital construction where apparently, in that sort of work, poorly stabilized occupational categories are grouped. Simultaneously, both abovementioned processes reveal statistically significant connections with the delinquency dynamics. These remarks were confirmed by the conclusions drawn in the first part of this study, where it had been pointed out that increased rates and growth of delinquency in the regions under intensified industrialization programmes were related to sociodemographic processes characteristic for the social horizontal mobility. The sociodemographic processes, connected with an increased social horizontal mobility, consisting in migration and in frequent changes of employment by unskilled labour in general, are particularly intensified in an early phase of industrialization, i.e. in stages of construction, of new industrial objects and substantial auxiliary premise and of initial start of new industrial plants. But the later industrialization stages, where a phenomenon of a mass social advance of the population is observed, are not connected with increased delinquency rates.
4
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Biologiczne inhibitory przestępczości

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Mościskier A.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
2008
|
issue XXIX-XXX
155-167
5
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Podejrzani o dokonanie zgwałceń działający indywidualnie i w grupach (w świetle danych statystyki milicyjnej)

63%
Mościskier A., Syzduł E.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
1972
|
issue V
304-317
EN
The compilation present data based on police records on persons suspected of sexual assaults in 1969, broken down into suspects who acted alone, with one other person, and groups of three, four and five (or more).  
6
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Przestępstwa stwierdzone w latach 1965–1969 oraz osoby podejrzane o ich dokonanie (na podstawie danych statystyki milicyjno-prokuratorskich)

63%
Mościskier A., Syzduł E.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
1972
|
issue V
270-303
EN
The publication compiles data from police records on offences discovered in 1.965 – 1969 and the persons suspected of them.  
7
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Przestępstwa stwierdzone w latach 1970-1974 oraz osoby podejrzane o ich dokonanie

63%
Mościskier A., Syzduł E.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
1976
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issue VII
287-328
EN
The publication compiles data from police records on the offences cleared up in Poland in 1970-1974 and the persons suspected of them. In view of the legislation changes that have taken place in Poland in the meantime, a comparison of the data presented now with those of 1965- 1969 and published in volume five of the Archives of Criminology is very difficult. In Poland since 1970 a new Penal Code has been in force and since 1972 a Contravention Code. On the basis of the latter some petty offences (to which a theft of a property worth less than 500 zlotys was included) were recognized as petty misdemeanours.  
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