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Między wielokulturowością a kulturą wiodącą. Niemieckie debaty na temat polityki imigracyjnej

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Tomczak M.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2014
|
issue 1(350)
95-110
EN
The object of the study was an analysis of the German debates on immigration policy. Their subsequent stages were strongly politicized and focused on various groups of migrants. The particular stages were differentiated by watchwords that defined the axis of the debate and at the same time highlighted German expectations and fears connected with the settlement of large groups of foreigners on German territory. The initial watchword was “multiculturalism”, then “parallel societies” and next “leading culture”. The last, so far, stage of the discussion is a heated debate triggered by a book by Theo Sarrazin published in 2012 and centres on the concept of “integration”. All the above mentioned notions are rather vague, lacking in precision, which made it easy to manipulate and abuse them. In consequence, the balance of the debate is by no means optimistic and in fact it is essentially antimodernist and destructive. Its subsequent stages are mostly concerned with potential dangers and this gives the impression that foreigners (or their large groups) are actually a threat to Germany and its culture. Such an attitude is closer to Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” than to the European enlightenment thought and contributes to enhancing hostile sentiments towards “aliens”. This might lead not only to their discrimination or exclusion but also to a growth of violence against immigrants.
2
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Niemcy wobec terroryzmu z zewnątrz

100%
Tomczak M.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2012
|
issue 4(345)
167-180
EN
Political terrorism is not a new phenomenon for Germany, which has had to tackle numerous internal campaigns both left-wing and right-wing. In mid-20th century Germany became a target of attacks organized externally by foreign groups: the Palestinian movement and radical Kurd organizations. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the FRG, like all the Western countries, has also become an object of terrorist acts on the part of Islamist groups on grounds that Germany was part of the Western world and subsequently joined the international “war against terrorism”. In all those cases a strategy was adopted that consisted in elimination of threats to Germany and its citizens. If it was considered that concessions would pacify the situation and direct the terrorists’ attention elsewhere, fight was abandoned. This strategy usually proved to be efficient. Apart from the Munich attack Germany did not become the object of actions of external groups in spite of belonging to elite nations. However, it must be noted that such a way of proceeding was only possible because others were at the same time conducting a major fight against terrorism. Were it not for Americans, Israelis, the English and others, German strategy would not be possible at all.
3
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Nazistowska medycyna w okupowanej Polsce; rec. książki: Medycyna w cieniu nazizmu, red. Michał Musielak, Katarzyna B. Głodowska

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Tomczak M.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
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2016
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issue 14
282-286
EN
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4
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Miejsce kultury w niemieckich debatach wokół integracji imigrantów

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Tomczak M.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
|
2022
|
issue 24
65-85
EN
The paper outlines major German experiences that the influx of migrants entailed. Against this background, the author examines the public debate surrounding the issue. The chief notions which inform it include multiculturalism (Multikultur), parallel societies (Parallelgesellschaften ), leading culture (Leitkultur) and welcoming culture (Willkommenskultur). Their very wording is indicative of how important cultural issues are. Indeed, the concern with potential threats to German culture have been a principal theme of the debates. Other aspects, such as the impact on the economy, society, or security tend to be overlooked or treated marginally. This fairly unusual approach to migration problems should be attributed to the characteristics of the German nation, for which culture is a principal mainstay. After all, the Kulturnation was constructed around culture as a unifying element and has become the foremost component in German self-awareness. Conse- quently, the influx of people representing other cultures engenders deeper insecurity and greater fears about the future than elsewhere.
5
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Intelektualiści w Europie Zachodniej: od sprawy Dreyfusa do wybuchu II wojny światowej

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Tomczak M.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
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2011
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issue 4
105-123
PL
This article concerns the question of political engagement of the West-European intellectuals from the Dreyfus Affair (1898) to the Second World War. After the Sec-ond World War, the European intellectuals attempted to resort to the mode of action elaborated by Dreyfus’ advocates and defenders outside the courtroom. Nevertheless, the success had not been achieved again. The European intellectuals failed to repeat the accomplishment through the lack of political experience, submission and depend-ence. Their intellectual efforts for Europe cannot be positively evaluated and did more harm than good
6
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Gunter Grass – pisarz prowokujący

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Tomczak M.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
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2012
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issue 6
299-314
PL
The article presents the political profile of the German writer and Nobel prize winner, Günter Grass, and the singular nature of his involvement in German political life. Grass’s views, albeit internally inconsistent, had been comprehensible until the Unification of Germany, while his political activity strove do defend such values as liberty, democracy and moderation. After the unification, of which he had been an adversary, Grass began to speak in ever more controversial tones, and his views seem to clash more and more profoundly with what he had formerly advocated.    
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Tiegenhof - zapomniana historia gnieźnieńskiej Dziekanki; rec. książki: Enno Schwanke, Die Landesheil- und Pflegeanstalt Tiegenhof. Die nationalsozialistische Euthanasie in Polen wåhrend des Zweiten Weltkrieges

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Tomczak M.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
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2015
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issue 12
400-405
EN
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8
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Dziekanka/Tiegenhof – stan wiedzy o funkcjonowaniu zakładu podczas II wojny światowej

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Tomczak M.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
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2020
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issue 21
117-136
EN
The article presents the state of research on the history of the mental institution known as Dziekanka during World War II. New information discovered by German authors and increasing knowledge about the course of Aktion T4 makes it possible to verify erroneous findings and contributes new elements to the overall picture. For instance, it is demonstrated that not all of the murdered patients lost their lives as part of Aktion T4, or that – despite the claims of certain Polish authors – Tiegenhof was also a site where treatment and research did take place. The paper offers an overview of literature concerned with Dziekanka/Tiegenhof, discusses extermination of its patients, the individuals responsible and the connection with Aktion T4, as well as the significance of the institution in the Warthegau province; the question of the number of victims is also addressed.
9
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Intelektualiści zachodnioeuropejscy od wybuchu II wojny światowej do współczesności

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Tomczak M.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
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2015
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issue 11
145-164
PL
This study aims to show the forms of political involvement of Western European intellectuals. In doing so, the paper attempts to answer the question about the role they played in Western and Central Europe in the discussed period. The paper also demonstrates the cultural and political causes of their decline.streszczenie For the intellectuals of Western and Central Europe, World War 2 was an extremely difficult period. The genocidal policies of the totalitarian states induced them to take a position, while at the same time depriving them of the ability to express their views publicly. This engendered a sense of helplessness; also, apart for a few exceptions, only emigrants could actually perform the function of intellectuals. Among those, an important role to play fell to two groups: German emigrants who distanced themselves from their nation, and Jewish emigrants, who addressed the subject of the Holocaust. After the war, the Iron Curtain also restricted the actions of intellectuals. It soon turned out that the tenor of spiritual life was set by left-wing authors, fascinated with the USSR. The fascination petered out after the disclosure of Stalin’s crimes in 1956. It was terminated definitively by the ruthless suppression of the Prague Spring. It was at that time that conservatism and right-wing intellectuals returned to Europe. Their aim was to reverse the trend and prevent Western Europe from drifting leftward. The change of the paradigm served to settle the scores with the leftist intellectuals. They were accused of subversive activities against the state and nation or treason. Also, in the intellectual circles there emerged a conviction that the previous formula had been exhausted. A new formula of activities of intellectuals was considered particularly in France, by authors of such eminence as R. Aron, M. Foucault, or P. Bourdieu. The deconstruction of the figure of the intellectual was completed by J.-F. Lyotard, who pronounced the death of intellectuals. Involvement of intellectuals remained a valid notion only in the countries of the Eastern bloc. In post-Cold War Europe, the decline of intellectuals became even more discernible. This was occasioned by a number of political and cultural factors. In this respect, particular role should be attributed to postmodernism which, by disproving the Enlightenment understanding of culture, undermined the role played by intellectuals.
10
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Ewolucja metod terrorystycznych

100%
Tomczak M.
Przegląd Strategiczny
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2011
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issue 1
203-218
EN
The peculiar succession of ideology inherited from predecessors resulted in a continuity of methods used by terrorists. Each subsequent variety of this phenomenon derives in some way from the activities of its predecessors, albeit introducing its own modes of operation. And thus anarchists who resorted to the idea of tyrant assassination used individual attacks, generally aimed at heads of states. This method was adopted by the twentieth century leftist radicals, but being unable to assassinate wellprotected state leaders, they started to direct violence against less prominent figures, people, who fulfill functions of secondary importance in the state. However, when such attacks did not trigger the desired response, they reinforced the impact, implementing kidnappings instead of assassinations. Terrorist of the extreme right, on the other hand, focused on extended attacks, a method rejected by the extreme leftists. They would direct violence against completely random people holding no connection whatsoever to the cause for which the terrorists were fighting. This method, in turn, was taken over by religious fundamentalists with the precise goal of killing completely innocent people. In fact, the innocence of victims was deemed the essence of new terrorism. This change that consists in total separation of victims and the addresses of the attacks has resulted in quite a drastic transformation of terrorism, its metamorphosis from a method of struggle against a stronger adversary into a macabre communication strategy.
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