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Flexible Integration as a Target System of Governance for the European Union

100%
Barcz J.
Yearbook of Polish European Studies
|
2015
|
issue 18
59-80
EN
This article is an attempt to formulate a theoretical model for governance of the European Union. On one hand it takes into account the ongoing theoretical debate in this field, and especially the critical analysis of recent years, while on the other it refers tothe actual course of the European Union’s systemic reform in terms of its coherent reform plan for the Economic and Monetary Union (especially the euro area). It also refers to the reforms of the EU proposed in academic literature.1 The article analyses various models of differentiated integration. Regarding the implemented reforms and the future model for the governance of the EU, the starting point is the dominant assumption in the discussions that the focus should be on the cohesion of the institutional and legal system of the EU. The model of ‘fl exible integration’ presented in the article takes as a starting point the fact that the internal differentiation of the various statuses of EU Member States has now become a systemic trend of the European integration process. Within the framework of the ‘fl exible integration’ model, the author identifi es the essential institutional and legal elements of the EU that will allow it to maintain its cohesion.
2
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Europa à la carte: konsolidacja czy fragmentacja Unii Europejskiej?

100%
Barcz J.
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
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2012
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issue 3
17-28
EN
On principle, the member countries of the European Union belong to different decision circles. Nowadays, belonging to the euro zone is becoming of a great importance, due to the fact that over the last few months the decision-making process in the issues most vital for the Union has moved to this group. The countries considering joining this group (e.g. Poland) should take into consideration not only the fulfilment of the economic convergent criteria the basic premise), but also the political aspect: it will be difficult for a country not belonging to the euro zone to build a strong position in the European Union decision-making process. Among various discussed options considering the euro zone in connection with the current economic crisis, the most realistic is the alternative of further existence of the zone but in a different form: the change will consider both the mechanisms of the zone functioning and its scope. The mechanisms accepted by the European Union within the framework of combating the euro zone crisis (the Treaty on the European Stability Mechanism, the Europlus Pact, the Treaty on Fiscal Union) indicate the basic dilemma which the European integration is confronted with: these actions may contribute to the consolidation of the Union and the strengthening of its position, but they may also initiate the process of its fragmentation. Irrespectively of this problem, the current situation resembles the old concept of Europe à la carte, according to which each member state would be able to choose from the European menu the areas which suit them most. However, the difference might be that the status of countries in the European decision-making process will be unalike.
3

EU REFORM AND THE FINANCIAL CRISIS

100%
Barcz J.
Yearbook of Polish European Studies
|
2009
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vol. 12
13-25
EN
The current financial crisis coincides with a period of deep political and substantive crises in the European Union. Although it is difficult to predict how it will affect the further development of the EU, it has certainly revealed the full range of the challenges which the EU is facing - both in terms of its political system and its policies. On one hand, the crisis has shown that some Member States are inclined to work in smaller groups, perhaps at the cost of the Union's cohesion. On the other hand, it has also demonstrated that the EU is attractive and that the Member States perceive it as an effective mechanism to guarantee their financial, economic and political security. At the same time, the financial crisis has definitely increased public awareness in the Member States of the need to increase the effectiveness of the EU and thus to complete the political reform, discussed for years, by putting the Treaty of Lisbon into effect. Thus, the greatest remaining challenge is to maintain the coherence of the process of European integration. While the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon gives the EU new momentum in this respect, it does not guarantee success - strengthening the effectiveness of the EU. Much will depend on the measures used to implement the reforms prescribed by the Treaty, which are aimed at providing regulation of the relations between the EU and its Member States in managing common issues. In the end, the decisive factor will be the political will of the Member States to use the new opportunities offered by the Treaty of Lisbon to increase the effectiveness and cohesion of the EU.
4
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Zwrot w stosunkach polsko-niemieckich 1989-1991 a odszkodowania dla ofiar zbrodni nazistowskich zamieszkałych w Polsce (porozumienie z 16 października 1991 r.)

100%
Barcz J.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2018
|
issue 3(368)
233-258
EN
The aim of the article is to analyze the proceedings of negotiations concerning compensations to be paid by Germany to the Polish victims of Nazi crimes. These negotiations ultimately led to the adoption of the agreement of 16 October 1991, which opened the way for providing help to those victims who live in Poland. This is a relatively scantily studied area of the entire packet of regulations (Treaty on the Confirmation of the Frontier, the so-called “Big” Treaty, the Two-Plus-Four Agreement) which opened a new chapter in Polish-German relations. The article for the most part refers to documents published for the first time. The negotiations that led to the agreement of 16 October 1991 took more than two years to conclude and were extremely complex. Their outcome was the so-called pragmatic solution and within its scope - regardless of discrepancies in legal attitudes (which formerly blocked the payment of compensations by the FRG) – the way was opened for providing concrete help to those victims of Nazi crimes who live in Poland.
5
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W XXV-lecie Traktatu polsko-niemieckiego. Kilka refleksji

100%
Barcz J.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2016
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issue 3(360)
7-17
EN
The Polish-German Treaty of Good Neighbourship and Friendly Cooperation became a symbol of a new foreign policy of the independent Poland after the systemic changes of 1989. Its significance has a bilateral dimension in relations with the unified Germany and a general dimension as well. As concerns the former aspect, the Treaty together with the confirmation of the Polish-German border opened the way to building a Polish-German community of interests in all political areas and in interpersonal relations. As to its general import, the “big” Polish-German Treaty was the first major signal of a turn in the foreign policy of the independent Poland towards aspiration to membership in the then European Communities (later the European Union) and the North Atlantic Alliance. Thus, it paved the way to initiating Poland’s cooperation in all the basic areas of relations with the Western Europe of those times.
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