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Terra incognita? Sport antyczny w historiografii polskiej (początki)

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Słapek D.

Prace Naukowe Akademii im. Jana Długosza w Częstochowie Kultura Fizyczna

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2018

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vol. 17

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issue 2

11-56

PL

Współczesna polska historiografia sportu wyraźnie koncentruje swoją uwagę na dziejach rodzimego sportu począwszy od końca XIX w. Wydaje się to zupełnie naturalne, ale warto pamiętać, że w polskim piśmiennictwie epoki wczesnonowożytnej już w XVI w. pojawiały się uwagi na te-mat sportu antycznego. Zjawisko to nie przybrało nigdy skali tak wielkiej, jak w przypadku dzieł zachodnioeuropejskich antykwarystów. Te ostatnie budziły jednak zainteresowanie rodzimych ba-daczy antiquitates. Wyobrażenia na temat sportu antycznego w Polsce kształtowały się jednak nie tylko pod wpływem europejskiego antykwaryzmu. Siła latinitas i romanitas polskiej kultury XVI–XVIII w. i obyczajowości powodowały relatywnie spore zainteresowanie „sportem rzymskim” (np. venationes i walkami gladiatorów). W dziełach wielu polskich autorów tej epoki nie widać ich jednoznacznego potępienia choćby dlatego, że wzmianki na ich temat pojawiały się głównie w kontekście ich roli politycznej (naśladowania rzymskich obyczajów także). O sporcie greckim wiedziano wówczas niewiele i czerpano z niego co najwyżej wzorce godne naśladowania jedynie w sferze obywatelskiego wychowania. Nie zmienił tego w sposób znaczący europejski neohellenizm i pierwsze wyjazdy Polaków do niepodległej już Grecji od około połowy XIX w. Specyficzny dualizm w postrzeganiu i rozumieniu sportu antycznego pojawił się jednak przed narodzinami neoolimpizmu. Katalizatorem tego procesu było powstanie Towarzystwa Gimnastycznego „Sokół”, które w warstwie ideologicznej i praktycznej sięgać poczęło jedynie do tradycji kultury fizycznej starożytnych Greków.

EN

Contemporary Polish sport historiography clearly focuses its attention on the history of domestic, national sport (since the end of the 19th century). This seems quite natural, but it is worth remembering that in the native literature of the early modern epoch, as early as the 16th century, attention was paid mainly to the ancient sport. This phenomenon has never taken on a scale as great as in the case of works of Western European antiquarians. The treaties of the latter aroused the interest of native researchers of antiquitates, however the notion of antique sport in Poland was shaped not only by the influence of European antiquarianism. The strength of latinitas and romanitas of Polish culture and customs of the 16th to 18th centuries caused relatively considerable interest in "Roman sport" (eg venationes and gladiatorial fights). There is no clear condemnation of the Roman Games in the writings of many Polish authors of this period perhaps because the references to them appeared mainly in the context of the political role of the roman games (and in the climate of the imitation of Roman customs and traditions). The Greek sport was little known at the time and its elements was used a model that could only be imitated in the sphere of education. This situation has not significantly changed by the influence of European neohellenism and the first trips of Poles to independent Greece since around the middle of the 19th century. Specific dualism in the perception and understanding of ancient sport appeared, however, before the birth of the modern olimpic movement. The initiator of this process was the creation of the Falcon Gymnastics Society, which in the ideological and practical layers referred only to the tradition of physical culture of the ancient Greeks.

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Tanatoturystyka, sport i… pojednanie? Na marginesie pracy Поховання спортовців на Личаківському кладовищі, Євген Приступа, Ольга Романчук, Ростислав Коваль, Наталія Базиляк, Юліана Мельник, Лариса Матлашенко, за заг. ред. Є. Приступи, Видавництво „Компанія «Манускрипт»” 2015, 64 с.

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Słapek D.

Prace Naukowe Akademii im. Jana Długosza w Częstochowie Kultura Fizyczna

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2016

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vol. 15

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issue 3

125-139

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Solidarism vs Marxism: “Legal Views of Slaves and Roman Proletarians” by Borys Łapicki Revisited

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Słapek D.

Studia Iuridica Lublinensia

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2021

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vol. 30

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issue 1

EN

In the history of Polish Romanist studies in the period of the Polish People’s Republic, Borys Łapicki attracts considerable attention due to his controversial monograph Legal Views of Slaves and Roman Proletarians from 1955. It seems that the work is not quite rightly treated as a breach in the career of the Romanist from Lodz. Reasons for this uniqueness are usually sought in a complicated biography of the author which is treated as a kind of a “sign of the times”. Meanwhile, reviews of the work published right after it had been issued unequivocally showed that the dogmatic Marxism was in a way assessed as an adaptation by Łapicki, trying to reconcile it with the ideas of solidarism he had long accepted and belief in ethical values of the Roman law. Loyalty to these ideas made this amalgam of barely reconcilable concepts (class struggle in the light of harmony based on freedom and brotherhood) impossible to be accepted. It seems that this eclectic formula was never imposed by anyone on Łapicki – it was not a manifestation of the author’s conformism or opportunism. Despite very severe criticism, he did not abandon it even in the times when historical materialism left the dogmatic phase of its development. This article is a case study – a contribution to the studies on a broader problem of identity and attitude of Polish Romanists in the period of Stalinism.

PL

W historii polskiej romanistyki epoki PRL postać Borysa Łapickiego budzi spore zainteresowanie głównie z racji jego kontrowersyjnej monografii Poglądy prawne niewolników i proletariuszy rzymskich z 1955 r. Wydaje się, że nie do końca słusznie traktuje się jako wyłom w dorobku łódzkiego romanisty. Powodów tej wyjątkowości poszukuje się zwykle w skomplikowanej biografii autora i traktuje jako swego rodzaju „znak czasu”. Tymczasem recenzje pracy opublikowane tuż po jej ukazaniu się jednoznacznie wykazały, że dogmatyczny marksizm Łapicki poddał swego rodzaju adaptacji, próbując godzić go z od dawna akceptowanymi przez siebie ideami solidaryzmu i wiarą w wartości etyczne prawa rzymskiego. Wierność tym ideom sprawiła, że ten amalgamat trudnych do pogodzenia ze sobą konceptów (walka klas wobec opartej na wolności i braterstwie harmonii) okazał się niemożliwy do zaakceptowania. Wydaje się, że tej eklektycznej formuły nikt Łapickiemu nie narzucał – nie była przejawem konformizmu lub koniunkturalizmu autora. Mimo niezwykle ostrej krytyki nie odszedł od niej nawet w czasach, gdy materializm historyczny wyszedł z dogmatycznej fazy swego rozwoju.

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Oswald Balzer versus Theodor Mommsen – polityczne emocje z historią w tle. Nowa ocean sporu

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Słapek D.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

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2012

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issue 5

99-143

PL

There is a prominent tendency in the abundant literature concerning Th. Mommsen to portray him as an active, valued liberal politician of the second half of the 19th century. In this context, relatively little is said about his appeal to the Sudeten Germans of 1897 who faced the so-called Badenischen Sprachenverordnungen. The letter of the German scholar, published in the Viennese press, included many violently unjust accusations, especially against the Czechs. In the storm of polemics and discussions unleashed by the text, the voice of the Polish historian of law, Oswald Balzer, was probably the loudest. His open letter, defending the civilisational achievements of the Slavs, never received Mommsen’s response. Nonetheless, in the awareness of Poles and Czechs in particular the Berlin historian became their confirmed enemy. German science, making light of the event, puts it down to Mommsen’s unbridled political fervour, which made him speak out in public even in those matters of which he had little knowledge. It admits, however, that the episode with pure nationalism looming in the background is a certain flaw on Mommsen’s idealized image of an ever valid role-model of a liberal politician. The view is admissible, although one may be surprised at the implied ignorance of Mommsen’s especially with regard to the Sudeten Germans, to whom the language laws introduced by Count Badeni’s government were to apply, and which he knew well from his native Schleswig. As to the negligible knowledge Mommsen had of the Slavs, the views conveyed by Croatian Slavist V. Jagić may be convincing to some extent, although it is worth remembering that Mommsen (a person perfectly conversant with the nuances of world politics!) needed no profound academic knowledge to formulate general (remote from scientific inquiry) views about the Czechs. It is likely that when attacking Slavs, he drew upon the stereotypes which circulated at the time (he was not entirely independent in his opinions about Poles, remaining under the influence of M. Weber), supported by more readily definable personal views on the role of the Church and Catholicism, or the frontiers of the German state. Mommsen probably never formulated his convictions concerning Poles and the Polish issue of the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries in a consistent, logical statement. In the Polish press before 1897 he had not been treated as a declared enemy of Polishness and even his adversary, Balzer emphasised Mommsen’s former objectivity. It appears it was theLvov law historian who lacked objectivity. His disputatious character, apparently combined with the a fairly unpleasant memory of studies inBerlin (personal encounter with the demanding Mommsen) materialised in a polemic manifesto, in which, with a characteristic fluency, large dose of emotion and patriotic throes (although resorting to the standard historical argumentation of the time), the author drew a fairly unequivocal, anti-Polish image of Mommsen. This view persisted as long as 1918, although the admirers of Balzer’s views maintained it long after the death of both adversaries.

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Stanisław Dedio (1890-1945), poznański filolog klasyczny, wychowawca młodzieży i społecznik

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Słapek D.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

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2020

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issue 22

47-66

EN

Jerzy Starnawski asserted the existence of the so-called “third generation of modern histori- ans of literature or, more broadly, “modern Polish representatives of the humanities with substan- tial merit in various fields.” He added that he referred to the generation born in the last decades of the nineteenth century, who then attended higher schools in the early twentieth century and be- came professionally active in the interwar years. Starnawski’s argument did not rely on meticulous prosopographic analyses and, apart from that, it was almost exclusively concerned with the scholarly achievement of the individuals he mentioned. This paper aims to verify Starnawski’s opinion based on a case study, i.e. the biography of Stanisław Dedio, a little known figure in the annals of the Polish humanities. The author argues that if Dedio did belong to the aforementioned “third generation of the modern representatives of the humanities”, then an immanent trait of the generation – besides scientific achievement – was deeply patriotic social and political activism, which peaked in the diffi- cult period of building the Second Republic of Poland.

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Sprawozdania

33%

Słapek D., Łuć I., Maleszyk R., Stępnik A., Ausz M., Czarnota T., Buczkowska M., Solska E., Sioma M., Gmiterek H.

Res Historica

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2013

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issue 35

EN

The article dosn’t have abstract in english.

PL

Artykuł nie posiada streszczenia w języku polskim.

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Terra incognita? Sport antyczny w historiografii polskiej (początki)

Solidarism vs Marxism: “Legal Views of Slaves and Roman Proletarians” by Borys Łapicki Revisited

Oswald Balzer versus Theodor Mommsen – polityczne emocje z historią w tle. Nowa ocean sporu

Stanisław Dedio (1890-1945), poznański filolog klasyczny, wychowawca młodzieży i społecznik

Sprawozdania