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1

SÚVISLOSTI VZNIKU IRACKEJ ARMÁDY (1920 – 1922)

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Sorby K.
Vojenská história
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2017
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vol. 21
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issue 1
92 - 109
EN
The study is devoted to the situation after World War I, when Britain was granted a mandate over Iraq to help it advance to readiness for full independence in the San Remo Conference (April 1920). In June 1920 an armed revolt against British rule broke out and quickly spread through the mid-Euphrates regions. The heavily armed and surprisingly determined tribes scored a number of early and significant successes. The crushing of the revolt involved besides cost of lives the expenditure of huge amounts from the British Treasury. Mr. Churchill, in taking charge of Near and Middle East affairs, called a conference to Cairo on March 1921. The questions considered by the conference included as problems concerning Iraq the immediate reduction of British expenditure in Iraq with the consequent revision of the policy involving: 1. future relationship of Iraq to Great Britain; 2. person of the future ruler of Iraq; 3. nature and composition of the defence forces of the new state which was to assume an increasing share of its own defence.
2

LIBANONSKÁ OBČIANSKA VOJNA, 1975 – 1976

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Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2011
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vol. 4
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issue 1
54 – 66
EN
In the years following the June 1967 War, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict intruded on Lebanese political life. This development, in combination with demographic and political changes taking place inside Lebanon itself, upset the country’s fragile sectarian balance and plunged it into fifteen years of vicious and destructive civil war. The civil war was not an exclusively Lebanese affair; it was precipitated by the Palestinian presence in the country and soon attracted external intervention by Syria and Israel, thus bringing to an end the attempts of Lebanon’s political leaders to insulate their country from the wider regional conflict. Support for the Palestinians came primarily from Muslims alienated by the existing system, which benefited the political leaders and their associates but failed to provide basic social services to broad sections of the population. The social and economic grievances of Muslims were compounded by the sectarian arrangements that continued to favour the country’s Christians. Long before the crisis of the 1970s, Lebanon’s political leaders recognized that Muslims outnumbered Christians and that the largest single religious grouping in the country was the Sh’ia Muslim community.
3

KORENE MILITANTNÉHO ISLAMU NA BLÍZKOM VÝCHODE

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Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2008
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vol. 1
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issue 2
74 – 90
EN
The new generation of radical Muslims is equally pessimistic as far as the state of Islam and Muslim society is concerned. However, its pessimism has been combined with radical revolutionary activity, which dismisses secular state and social order that have existed for several centuries as barbaric and godless. At the same time, it refuses the left wing policy, which helps to spread secular state power. This, as they believe, undermines the Islamic society, which had somehow maintained its autonomy until 19th century; instead, it offers its own alternative. They reject modernity and modernist apologetic Islam and insist on the return of Islam into active politics. They also refuse imported political ideas and are thus similar in approach to the first generation of the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1940s and 1950s. To them, Islam had never been democratic. All those who obey human laws are infidels and have to be fought against. They are also convinced that it is necesary to stand up against nationalists since these set the boundaries of territorial expression and prevent the expansion of radical Islam. The revival of Islam came as a result of general decadence in the Muslim countries. In the 1950s and 1960s, Islam was marginalised in the countries which had adhered to the principles of nationalism and socialism; political and economic collapse of these countries opened the door to the return of religion. Since 1970s, Islamic revival has taken on various forms. Common Muslims have revived Islamic rituals and social practices; intellectuals have turned away from an overtly European and Western way of thinking to Islamic roots. Islamic revival has also become a shelter for fundamentalists, who have sought Islamic revolution. Fundamentalists have refused to settle for the Islamisation of society; they have striven for an Islamic state. The new millitants have secretly planned to return all Muslims to a purer faith by introducing an Islamic law – Sharia.
4

JESEŇ 1958: ZÁPAS O POLITICKÚ ORIENTÁCIU IRACKEJ REPUBLIKY

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Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2019
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vol. 12
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issue 1
3 – 18
EN
After the successful coup the command was in the hands of those who had made the coup, Brigadier cAbdalkarīm Qāsim and Colonel cAbdassalām cĀrif, with the army behind them. The new rulers found it exceedingly difficult to effect a complete change, for the running of the business of government required the preservation of the administrative and financial systems, even if these were purged of corrupt elements. A complete break with the past was not possible, as it could lead to anarchy and paralysis of the machinery of government. Differences between two leaders soon crystallized around a key policy question: union with Egypt. cAbdassalām cĀrif, encouraged by the Bacth Party and the Arab nationalists, favoured prompt union. cAbdalkarīm Qāsim was more cautious in his approach to this issue. His patient and clever manipulation of affairs behind the scenes assured his success in the ensuing power struggle. In September cAbdassalām cĀrif was moved to retire from his post as deputy commander of the armed forces and shortly afterwards from his posts as deputy prime minister and minister of interior. In November he was arrested and later sentenced to death, however, the sentence was commuted to life imprisonment.
5

DIPLOMACIA POSTUPNÝCH KROKOV: EGYPTSKO-IZRAELSKÉ DOHODY O ODPÚTANÍ SÍL

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Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2014
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vol. 7
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issue 2
5 – 19
EN
The fourth Arab-Israeli war and the brief oil embargo that followed produced a change in the American perception of the increasingly complex Middle East crisis. The Arab ability to plan, co-ordinate, and execute a successful military attack and to profoundly disturb the status quo had now been clearly demonstrated. The issue of regional dependency on Middle East petroleum also became a matter of concern in the West, especially among the allies of the United States. There was, furthermore, a sharpened awareness worldwide of the degree to which local conflicts in the area could bring the superpowers dangerously close to confrontation. US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger ensured the settlement that ended the October War. Within his “shuttle diplomacy” he visited all the relevant countries and helped to secure the Egyptian-Israeli agreement over the cessation of hostilities signed on 11 November 1973. The first agreement, signed on 18 January 1974, while separating Egyptian and Israeli forces, allowed limited Egyptian troops on the eastern bank of the Suez Canal, a disengaging zone or no-man’s land supervised by the UN emergency forces in the western part of Sinai, and limited Israeli forces west of the strategic Giddi and Mitla passes. Anwar as-Sādāt had assured Kissinger in December 1973 that he would have the Arab oil embargo lifted, and by 18 March 1974 the embargo was withdrawn. Kissinger’s diplomacy had raised Arab expectations that the United States could promote a settlement based on an Israeli withdrawal. The new American President, Gerald Ford faced with Israeli intransigence began to think of a comprehensive peace settlement including Palestine and in August 1975 Kissinger returned to the Middle East. His bargaining produced a second disengagement agreement between Israel and Egypt signed in September 1975.
6

SNAHA SÝRIE ZÍSKAŤ POSTAVENIE REGIONÁLNEJ MOCNOSTI NA BLÍZKOM VÝCHODE 1970 – 1976

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Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2012
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vol. 5
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issue 1
81 – 93
EN
The Arab defeat at the hands of Israel in the June War prompted a period of soul-searching throughout the Arab world and led, in the case of Syria, to the overthrow of the existing regime. In Syria Hāfiz al-Asad seized power in 1970 and his regime represented the rise of new elites of rural origins at the expense of the established urban politicians and merchants. The regime was authoritarian, basing its power on the military and the Bacth Party. The sole ruler held absolute power and became the object of a personality cult. The regime adopted socialist economic policies and stood for egalitarian reform. For Hāfiz al-Asad, the persistent conflict with Israel took precedence over all foreign policy considerations. He believed that it was Syria’s duty to resist the Israeli threat and work in the cause of Arab unity. His regional policy was popular in Syria and helped to solidify his domestic position during the early years of his rule. However, his embroilment in the Lebanese civil war undermined his reputation both at home and in the wider Arab world. On 18 October 1976, Syria and the PLO accepted a cease-fire drawn up by Arab heads of state, and the worst of the fighting came to a halt. The terms of the agreement provided for the stationing of an Arab deterrent force to maintain law and order. In reality, the force was composed almost exclusively of Syrian troops whose presence enabled Hāfiz al-Asad to continue his efforts to shape the Lebanese situation to suit the needs of Damascus. However, his forces had become bogged down in a costly and indecisive military occupation.
7

SOVIETSKO-AMERICKÉ SÚPERENIE NA BLÍZKOM VÝCHODE V POLOVICI 50. ROKOV

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Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2009
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vol. 2
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issue 1
48 – 61
EN
In the period after the Suez Crisis of 1956 the United States and USSR competed for control in Syria. However, the Suez Crisis provided also the decisive boost to Egypt’s position of Arab leadership. Sensitive of regional and international rivalries, Syrian politicians have tended to identify with the various contenders in their own struggle for power in Damascus. It should be remembered that Syrians have usually been in the vanguard of Arab nationalism. The „Syrian Crisis“ of 1957 was primarily the result of US apprehension over the nationalist, neutralist, and apparently pro-soviet direction in which Syria had moved during the mid-1950s. The United States, its NATO ally (and Syria’s neighbour) Turkey, and the pro-Western Arab governments in the region were all concerned about the developments in Syria. The United States attempted to prod its regional allies to take action to deflect Syria from its apparent leftward drift. Syria became a major topic of discussion at the annual meeting of the United Nations in the autumn of 1957, with the United States dourly warning of the dangers of Soviet expansion in the Middle East and the Soviets responding with accusations about aggressive US intentions toward Syria.
8

NÁRODNOOSLOBODZOVACIE HNUTIA NA BLÍZKOM VÝCHODE PO DRUHEJ SVETOVEJ VOJNE A ČSR

100%
Sorby K.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2021
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vol. 14
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issue 1
30 – 48
EN
The 1947 partition plan for Palestine was certainly not a peaceful resolution to the contest for Palestine. Both Jewish and Arab armies lined up volunteers and equipped themselves as well as they could. Both sides committed terrorist acts against innocent civilians. The British folded their arms and ignored the escalating violence, as they were preparing to withdraw totally from Palestine. In this situation the Israeli army was in dire need of arms and Moscow which did not want to be directly involved in the conflict. Communist Czechoslovakia which belonged to the Soviet sphere of influence followed the instructions and supplied Israel with weapons despite UN sanctions. In the 1948 Arab-Israeli war Czechoslovakia had considerably contributed to the Israeli victory. After Israel turned to the West the USSR became the main supporter of the Arab national-liberation movement. After the 1952 military coup the Egyptian army turned out to be the real ruler of Egypt. Since armistice of 1949, the Egyptian-Israeli border had been the site of frequent hostilities. Israeli forces carried out their missions easily and emphasized their military superiority which made the Egyptians aware of the pressing need to replace the outmoded equipment left to them by the British. However, when the Egyptian president approached the West for arms, he was rebuffed. He therefore turned to the USSR that acted in a similar way as before. In September 1955 Egypt concluded an agreement with Czechoslovakia to purchase $ 200 million worth of advanced Soviet military equipment in exchange for Egyptian cotton. The so-called Czech arms deal was really a Soviet-Egyptian one and caused considerable annoyance mainly in Washington and London.
9

IRAK PO PÁDE MONARCHIE

100%
Sorby K.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2008
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vol. 56
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issue 3
507-524
EN
The military coup - the Revolution of 1958 - that finally overthrew the monarchy and inaugurated a new era in Iraqi history succeeded more because of luck and audacity than as a result of a long planning or extensive organization. The coup was unquestionably a reflection of deep-seated discontent among officers and civilian politicians with the regime's foreign policy and its slowness to reform. After the overthrow of the monarchy, the revolutionary regime in Iraq under Abdalkarim Qasim was constantly beset by an internal struggle: communists and their supporters on one side and pan-Arab nationalists and Iraqi Bathists on the other. Street fighting erupted in Baghdad at the slightest provocation. In March 1959, a revolt broke out in Mosul led by anti-communist army officers and pan-Arabists. Abdalkarim Qasim crushed the revolt with massive communist support. He might have been able to keep a balance between the two had he not antagonized nationalist leaders through his execution of nationalist officers opposed to him. Thus the country became divided into two radical camps.
10

IRAQ: THE MOSSUL UPRISING OF 1959

100%
Sorby K.
Asian and African Studies
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2006
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vol. 15
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issue 2
133 - 151
EN
After the overthrow of the monarchy, the revolutionary regime in Iraq under cAbdalkarim Qasim was constantly beset by an internal struggle: communists and their supporters on one side and pan-Arab nationalists and Iraqi Bacthists on the other. Street fighting erupted in Baghdad at the slightest provocation. In March 1959, a revolt broke out in Mosul led by the anti-communist army officers and the pan-Arabists. cAbdalkarim Qasim crushed the revolt with the massive communist support. He might have been able to keep a balance between the two, he had not antagonized nationalist leaders through his execution of nationalist officers opposed to him. Thus the country became divided into two radical camps.
11

BLÍZKY VÝCHOD AKO REGIONÁLNE BOJISKO STUDENEJ VOJNY NA ZAČIATKU ŠESTDESIATYCH ROKOV 20. STOROČIA

100%
Sorby K.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2010
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vol. 58
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issue 1
61-80
EN
The Kennedy Administration came to power convinced that its predecessor had demonstrated an appalling lack of imagination in its attitude toward the Third World nationalists like Gamal Abdel Nasser. Seen from the perspective of the New Frontier, the Eisenhower Administration's reluctance to accept nonalignment in the Cold War had created widespread opportunities for the spread of Soviet influence in the developing world. Two weeks before Kennedy took office, Khrushchev had publicly endorsed 'wars of national liberation' in the Third World. It seemed that the Soviets, by exploiting American inflexibility and by shrewdly distributing military and economic aid and political support to the Third World nationalists, had secured a commanding position on what had become the critical battleground between East and West.
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