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Theoretical and methodological discussion on social and cultural memory in international perspective

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Nycz G.
Central European Papers
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2020
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vol. 8
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issue 2
45-64
EN
The following text is centered on theory and methodology of memory studies in international perspective. The text explains the differences between focus and scope of various approaches to memory studies, those relying mostly on collective experience, those discovering cultural memory and the approach centered on the social dimension of the latter. The aim of the paper is to give a short introduction to key research accomplishments in the area of memory studies and to present short account on the critically disputed important international cases of high importance of memory in world politics. The paper presents various methodological paths to study memory as a part of social, cultural and collective experience, focusing on current international discussions regarding how past may impact present global relations. The presented methodological orientations are both contributing to better understanding of the construction of the past in public/ social area and to the knowledge on conscious efforts of controlling the selected chapters of history to serve the national (or ideological) purpose.
2
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AMERICAN POLICY OF SUPPORTING DEMOCRACY IN EASTERN EUROPE IN THE YEARS 1989-1991 (Amerykanska polityka wspierania demokracji w Europie Wschodniej w latach 1989-1991)

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Nycz G.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2010
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issue 1(334)
207-225
EN
The administration of George Bush Senior strove to influence the democratic changes in the countries of the disintegrating Eastern bloc in accordance with its own interests connected with building a new system of security created by Washington, based on Euroatlantic structures and the conception of political-economic transformation of the Soviet Union and its satellites. Propagation of democracy, a political conception initiated by Ronald Reagan, employed propaganda, economic and political instruments as well as means within the scope of foreign aid in order to support anti-communist opposition and interfere in processes of system reforms in the Eastern bloc. In the discussed period, a gradual evolution of American policy can be observed, consisting in a separation of policy toward the Soviet Union from relations with its hitherto satellites. This policy of 'democratic differentiation' favored countries with the fastest rate of liberal transformations. Its instrument was foreign aid, provided among others on the basis of the Support for Eastern European Democracy Act (SEED) by agendas of the American administration - Department of State, U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), National Fund for Democracy (NED) and non-government organizations.
3

Questioning the Neoliberal Paradigm: a Critique of the Washington Consensus in Historical Perspective

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Nycz G.
Ad Americam
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2010
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vol. 11
79-90
EN
The paper focuses on the controversial aspects of the policies conducted by the World Bank Group towards the debtor countries, including the neoliberal framework of the so-called Washington Consensus, implemented under the influence of the U.S. and leading Western economies. The author analyzes the historical context of the formation of international financial institutions' recommendations and the neoliberal development model, promoted as a cure to socio-economic fallacies leading to debt crises. Since the 1980s global IFI's have proposed a policy of reduced public expenses, low tariffs, and privatization of state-owned companies in place of high-government spending, protectionism and dirigisme. With the financial crises in the subsequent years, the IFI-promoted agenda became the subject of raising controversies. The main critical orientations in the debate on the Consensus - liberal, social democratic and Marxist - are discussed in reference to ongoing attempts to reform the international financial architecture on the basis of commonly accepted development patterns. Among the particularly significant points of the dispute are 'market fundamentalism' opposed to etatism, as well as the clash between the priority of fast economic growth and a costly social agenda, including goals of poverty reduction, improving access to public services, etc. The presented cases of the International Monetary Fund's questioned response to the Asian financial crisis of 1997-1998, as well as Chavez's Venezuela and chavismo as a regional challenge to the Washington Consensus, reflects the dynamics of the free-market paradigm shifts.
4
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Geopolityczny wymiar poszukiwań równowagi strategicznej i narzędzi odstraszania w politycze bezpieczeństwa USA w XXI wieku

100%
Nycz G.
Przegląd Geopolityczny
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2017
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vol. 22
50-72
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza zmian w polityce odstraszania USA po zimnej wojnie w realiach „drugiego wieku nuklearnego”, rosnącej liczby państw dysponujących bronią masowego rażenia oraz groźbami sięgnięcia po nią przez rządzone przez dyktatury agresywne państwa zbójeckie oraz organizacje terrorystyczne (przede wszystkim radykałów islamskich). Podstawowe modyfikacje polityk odstraszania USA uwzględniały zastąpienie jednego głównego zagrożenia i rywala - radzieckiego - wieloma potencjalnymi państwowymi i niepaństwowymi adwersarzami o zróżnicowanych potencjałach i zdolnościach, wymagających zastosowania odstraszania „szytego na miarę”. Wyzwaniami geopolitycznymi o najpoważniejszym znaczeniu dla USA pozostawały w okresie pozimnowojennym relacje z potężnymi mocarstwami niedemokratycznymi - Rosją i Chinami - oraz państwami niechętnymi wobec Zachodu, rozwijającymi zdolności posługiwania się bronią masowego rażenia i środkami jej przenoszenia (Koreą Północną, Iranem). Wyjątkowo trudnym wyzwaniem geopolitycznym okazała się rosnąca niechęć Rosji wobec mocarstw zachodnich potęgowana przez rozszerzenie NATO oraz euroatlantyckie aspiracje Ukrainy i Gruzji, które dla autorytarnego i brutalnego reżimu Władimira Putina stały się powodem do agresji militarnej, rozpoczynającej wraz nielegalną aneksją Krymu okres tzw. „nowej zimnej wojny”. W odniesieniu do rozpraw H. Mackindera w XXI w. szczególnie istotnym pozostało pytanie o pozycję Europy Wschodniej jako klucza do eurazjatyckiego sworznia („Heartland”) i obszaru dążącego do obrony niepodległości wobec naporu rosyjskiego.
EN
The aim of the text is an analysis of changes in U.S. deterrence policy after the Cold War under the conditions of the “second nuclear age”, the growing number of countries in the possession of weapons of mass destruction and threats of its seizure by aggressive rogue states governed by dictatorships or terrorist organizations. The basic modifications of U.S. deterrence policies incorporated the replacement of one major threat and rival by many potential state and non-state adversaries of diverse potentials and capacities, demanding the introduction of “tailored” deterrence. In the post-Cold War era the relations with mighty non-democratic powers, Russia and China, and countries hostile towards the West developing weapons of mass destruction and its delivery means (North Korea, Iran) remained the geopolitical challenges of most serious significance for the United States. A geopolitical challenge of particularly high difficulty concerned a growing hostility of Russia towards the Western powers, multiplied by the enlargement of NATO and Euro-Atlantic aspirations of Ukraine and Georgia, which became a reason for the authoritarian and violent regime of Vladimir Putin to start a military aggression, which opened, altogether with an illegal annexation of Crimea, the era of the so called “New Cold War”. In reference to the dissertations of H. Mackinder, particularly important remains the question concerning the position of Eastern Europe as a key to Eurasian “Heartland” and an area striving for independence in circumstances of Russian pressure.
5
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Towarzystwa przyjaźni międzynarodowej – przeszłość i teraźniejszość w III RP

100%
Nycz G.
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
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2015
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issue 14
165-183
EN
The article describes the shifting role of the international friendship associations – from the interwar times to the PPR, to the time of the Polish Third Republic. The main areas of activity of the associations in terms of double-sided attitudes with social contribution have historically covered building close political, economic and cultural relations, development of interpersonal relations, scientific cooperation, organization of artistic events and exchange of youth. First significant political achievements of the international friendship associations were noted in the times of the Second Polish Republic, when such associations started their work, e.g. the Poland-Czechoslovakia, Poland-Brazil, Poland, Romania and Poland-French associations. In the times of the PPR, despite attempts made to return to the directions of social double-sided cooperation of the interwar period, the activity of the friendship associations has been dominated by the associative dimension of popularising the idea of the Poland-Soviet friendship. The times of the Polish Third Republic brought the return of the Towarzystwa przyjaźni międzynarodowej – przeszłość i teraźniejszość w III RP [183] bottom-up initiatives on the development of international contacts based on the associations. Using the freedom of activity, the friendship associations became one of the many forms of extragovernmental international influence on the social plane, the importance and range of which remained little in comparison to the power of the institutions of public and cultural diplomacy, supported by the national resources
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