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EN
The study analyses some aspects of the dynamic development of the end of the First World War, which led to the declaration of an independent Czechoslovakia. In particular, it concentrates on the planting of the republican character of this state as not a matter-of-course, only a gradually adopted part of the political plan and the programme of foreign resistance, headed by the later president T. G. Masaryk. In connection with the controversy over the character of the future state during the world war the text also contemplates the earlier considerations of the Czech political thought of the 19th century on the issue of the republic and the republican form of government.
EN
This study summaries and evaluates reflections on the relationship between T. G. Masaryk and the Russian politician Boris Savinkov in the Czech literature on Masaryk. It mainly focuses on two key stages: first, the period of the First World War, when Masaryk was financially supporting B. Savinkov’s terrorists and was therefore assigned a share of the responsibility for the assassination of V. I. Lenin; then, after 1918, when T. G. Masaryk acceded to the leadership of the Czechoslovak Republic and supported the exile activities of Savinkov and his family. In the analytical part of the study, there is an examination of the historical-military, political, and ideological context of Masaryk’s relationship with Boris Savinkov, as well as suggestions for other possibilities of ways to interpret Masaryk’s relationships with the SR (socialist-revolutionary) circles in the first half of 1918, with particular regard to the officer Mikhail S. Muravyov.
EN
The birth of the Czechoslovak Republic in the year 1918 was fundamentally in contradiction with the determining conception of Czech realist politics, which was formulated before the outbreak of war, in harmony with the ideal of proper national growth. Using the examples of the conception of the “reform” of a “modestly populated nation” and the “small man”, put into contrast with the ideal of the times identified with dynamism and the concentration of power and size, this study analyses the transformation of the approaches of Czech political thought, especially of T. G. Masaryk, on the way to the realization of the programme of independence.
CS
Vznik Československé republiky v roce 1918 byl v podstatě v rozporu s určujícími koncepcemi české realistické politiky, které byly formulovány před vypuknutím války v souladu s tehdejším ideálem vlastního národního růstu. Na příkladech pojetí „reformy“, „nepočetného národa“ a „malého člověka“, stavěných do kontrastu s dobovým ideálem růstu, ztotožňovaným s dynamikou a koncentrací síly a velikosti, studie analyzuje proměnu přístupů českého politického myšlení, zejména pak T. G. Masaryka, na cestě za prosazením programu samostatnosti.
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Masarykova "Nová Evropa"

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EN
The text of The New Europe (1918) is analyzed in this article both on its own terms, that is, as a war-time work of T. G. Masaryk formulated with a specific propagandistic aim within the framework of a campaign of resistance, but also with regard to a longer- term discussion of Czech political thinking on the subjects of national identity and statehood. In its assessment of both this narrower framework and the wider one, the article affirms Masaryk’s exceptional ability to argumentatively transfer theoretical points of departure to the needs of political propaganda. It was this very ability that enabled Masaryk to transform his status and role from that of an influential commentator with little political influence in the pre-war years into an indubitable and practically unquestioned authority not only in the field of theoretical discussion, but also in Czech politics as such. It cannot be said that Masaryk’s interpretation of the discussion going on in Czech circles regarding the conception of nation and statehood was the only possible or correct one. But it proved to be acceptable during that period of time from the point of view of both foreign allies and domestic society, thus confirming itself alone as the basis of the concept of victory and victors, which it was possible to elaborate into the more general ideological framework of future Czechoslovak state doctrine.
CS
Text Nové Evropy (1918) je v této stati analyzován jak sám o sobě, tedy jako válečná práce T. G. Masaryka formulovaná s konkrétním propagandistickým záměrem v rámci odbojové akce, tak také s ohledem na dlouhodobější diskusi českého politického myšlení k tématům národní identity a státnosti. V posouzení užšího a širšího rámce se potvrzuje Masarykova výjimečná schopnost argumentačního přenosu teoretických východisek na potřeby politické propagandy. Právě tato schopnost umožnila proměnu postavení a role tohoto před válkou vlivného komentátora slabého politického vlivu do podoby nezpochybnitelné a prakticky nezpochybňované autority nejen na poli teoretické diskuse, ale i české politiky jako takové. Nelze tvrdit, že Masarykova interpretace české diskuse věnovaná pojetí národa a státnosti byla jediná možná či správná, ale ukázala se jako dobově přijatelná jak z pohledu zahraničních spojenců, tak domácí společnosti, a tím jako by sama sebe potvrdila coby základ konceptu vítězství a vítězů, který bylo možno rozpracovat do obecnějšího ideového rámce budoucí československé státní doktríny.
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