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Rozpor mezi formou a funkcí: specifika infinitivu ve vybraných valenčních pozicích

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Panevová J.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2023
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vol. 84
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issue 4
263-272
EN
Although the Czech language has two forms of infinitive (active and passive) in its morphological paradigm, infinitive constructions can be found where this opposition is not employed and the active vs. passive interpretation depends on the context. This article focuses on active infinitives which convey meanings primarily expressed by passive infinitives. The verbs which govern such infinitives are divided into several classes: (a) potřebovat [to need], zasluhovat [to deserve], (b) verbs of movement, such as poslat [to send], přinést [to bring], odvézt [to take away], (c) žádat [to require], odmítat [to refuse]. The competition between the active forms of the infinitive and the analytic passive forms, coreference between the valency members of the governing verbs and the hidden valency member of the infinitive are analyzed. Quantitative insights into how the phenomenon under study is represented in the Czech National Corpus are provided. The article concludes with a terminological proposal to complete the system of functions in the domain of infinitive constructions.
2
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Znovu o reciprocitě

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Panevová J.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2007
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vol. 68
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issue 2
91-100
EN
In this paper, we present a follow-up and modification of the approach to the description of reciprocal constructions taken in Panevová (1999) (see Sections 1 and 2). Inherent lexical reciprocity as a part of lexical meaning is distinguished from reciprocal constructions which are syntactic. The syntactic operation of reciprocalization could be applied to the verbs from three classes proposed in Sections 3.1 – 3.3. The vagueness of reciprocal constructions is demonstrated in Section 4. The relation of symmetry between individual participants is, in general, present only in syntactic reciprocal constructions. The specific formal expressions used in Czech reciprocal constructions are analyzed in Sections 5 – 8. The possible participation of an item in the position of the valency slot in the process of reciprocalization is marked in the respective valency frame of the verb.
3
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České konstrukce tzv. slovanského akuzativu s infinitivem

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Panevová J.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2008
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vol. 69
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issue 3
163-175
EN
This article analyzes “accusativus cum infinitive” (AcI in sequel) constructions with verbs of perception in Czech, and briefly mentions the occurrence of these constructions in other Slavonic languages. The focus is placed on the syntactic and semantic features of these Czech constructions and their relationship to their respective paraphrases (expressed by subordinated clauses). The relationship between grammatical coreference (obligatory with the AcI and only optional with the analyzed subordinated clauses), the broad possibility of word-movements in the AcI and the limited one in subordinated clauses are used as arguments for the special position of the AcI within the underlying structure of the sentence, unlike the structure of semantically close subordinated clauses.
4
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Hranice flektivní a derivační morfologie: Případ předpony po- u českých sloves

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Ševčíková M., Panevová J.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2018
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vol. 79
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issue 3
171-198
EN
The present case study deals with the functions of the Czech verbal prefix po-. Three functions of the prefix are analysed by contrasting the existing theoretical descriptions with corpus data. In its primary, word-formational function, po- modifies the meaning of the base verb (expressing one of the semantic features described as Aktionsart or other meanings; e.g. kreslit ‘to draw’ > pokreslit ‘to cover with drawings’). In its second function, po- derives perfective counterparts from the imperfective verb; here, the prefix is considered to be a grammatical means used for the formation of aspectual pairs of verbs (cf. kárat ‘to admonish.impf’ > pokárat ‘to admonish.pf’). The third function of po- is manifested in the class of determinate verbs; it is a part of the morphological form of these verbs in their (imperfective) future meaning (e.g. běžet ‘to run’ – poběží ‘(he) will run’). A group of verbs suspected of exhibiting similar behaviour as the pure determinate verbs is analysed and attested using the corpus data. Finally, the competition between the prefix po- and several tens of prefixes in Czech verbs is commented upon and the position of the prefixed verbs within word-formation nests is sketched.
5
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Shoda doplňku v reflexivních konstrukcích v češtině

51%
Kettnerová V., Lopatková M., Panevová J.
Slovo a slovesnost: časopis pro otázky teorie a kultury jazyka (Slovo a slovesnost: A journal for the theory of language and language cultivation)
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2015
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vol. 76
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issue 3
198-214
EN
The Czech reflexives se/si present a great challenge for linguistic description due to their ambiguous character. In this paper, we deal with syntactic reflexivity. In this case, the reflexives represent the clitic forms of the reflexive pronoun expressing the referential identity of the valency complementation realized in the subject (usually of ACTor) and of the valency complementation lexically expressed by the given pronoun. This linguistic phenomenon is studied here especially in relation to the agreement of a surface syntactic complement (with the function of EFF or COMPL). We aim to demonstrate that the case of the complement is determined rather by the meaning of the reflexive construction (as in non-reflexive structures) than by the distinction of the clitic vs. the long form of the reflexives. The agreement of the complement in reflexive constructions with the accusative reflexives se/sebe is compared with the same phenomenon in the structures with the dative reflexives si/sobě, which has thus far not been extensively described in Czech linguistics.
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