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Strategia polityki zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej w czasach II smuty

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Skrzypek A.
Zeszyty Naukowe Ostrołęckiego Towarzystwa Naukowego
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2012
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vol. Zeszyt
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issue XXVI
331-344
EN
The end of the previous century was an exceptional period for Russia. The Russian Federation, which had been elevated on the ruins of the USSR, continued suffering from the implications of the empire’s defeat. On one hand, it was challenged by numerous internal crises that caused its domestic imbalance. On the other, it had to seek an adequate space within the international community. The top priority could no longer be related to the military security, which would be ensured through a giant army. Consequently, the initial attempts derived from an ambition to sustain territorial integrity of the post-imperial reminiscences. This concept was embodied in efforts aiming at creation of a Community of Independent States. Diversity of respective interests of the former Soviet republics appeared however to be impossible to overcome. Furthermore, there were ambitions to settle relations with the European Union and particularly with the Federal Republic of Germany. This pro-Western orientation has failed because of to the contradictory plans of NATO, which aimed at subordinating under its control an area larger than ever before. While within the Russian political class, the pro-Western current had its supporters, it also had many opponents. The later ones claimed that the Russian strategic interests are rather connected with Asia. In that period, the political dictionary became enriched with new terms such as „euro-asiatism” and „close neighbourhood”. Certain changes within Kremlin’s foreign policy were finally accomplished by a new generation of politicians. They perceived the world in a different manner, hoping to pave the way towards a multi-polar order.
PL
Koniec ubiegłego stulecia był dla Rosji wyjątkowym okresem. Powstała na gruzach ZSRR Federacja Rosyjska, brzemienna klęską imperium i wstrząsana wewnętrznymi kryzysami, musiała znaleźć odpowiadające jej miejsce w społeczności międzynarodowej. Priorytetem nie mogło być już dłużej bezpieczeństwo militarne oparte na olbrzymiej armii. Pierwsze próby skoncentrowały się na utrzymaniu jedności obszaru poimperialnego w postaci stworzenia Wspólnoty Niepodległych Państw. Rozbieżność interesów byłych republik związkowych okazała się nie do pokonania. Próbowano ułożyć sobie stosunki z Unią Europejską, a zwłaszcza z RFN. Nie powiodła się opcja prozachodnia z uwagi na plany NATO poddania swojej kontroli większego niż wcześniej obszaru. W rosyjskiej klasie politycznej kurs prozachodni miał swoich zwolenników, ale także przeciwników, którzy dowodzili, że ciężar interesów rosyjskich leży w Azji. W słowniku politycznym pojawiły się terminy – euroazjatyzm, bliska zagranica. Zmiany linii polityki zagranicznej Kremla dokonało nowe pokolenie polityków, którzy postrzegali świat w odmiennych realiach, dążąc do nadania mu wielobiegunowości.
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Wywózki Polaków do ZSRR w latach 1944-1945. Próba interpretacji danych liczbowych - artykuł dyskusyjny

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Skrzypek A.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
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2001
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vol. 73
145-179
EN
The study’s nodal problem is assignation of numeber of the Poles (Polish citizens) deported from Poland to the USSR (precisely from territories West to the Curzon’s line) between July 1944 and May 1945. The requested number docs not contain persons removed from border lands. The author quotes „legal” base of that action - the instructions of Soviet authorities, that specified categories of deported persons and separated three phases of transportations. Afterwords it gaves number of arrested people, principles of deportations’ organization and tries to identify larger transports. Analizing different reports, the article identifies camps, where the Poles were placed and verifies their number. The author estimates 51 00 (without persons that died during transportations) people were deported and 10 700 arrested, but not deported. Not more that half or them was connected with the independence conspiracy. The last part of the article compares the number of deported persons with the number of released ones and that comparison holds out the test. There were also three phases of release. That process finished in 1948. About 9000 of the deported persons did not come back to Poland. Thex partially died and partially came back in 1956.
3
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Polska dyplomacja w czasach ministra Jędrychowskiego

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Skrzypek A.
Zeszyty Naukowe Ostrołęckiego Towarzystwa Naukowego
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2008
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vol. Zeszyt
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issue XXII
183-224
EN
This article treats of the information of Polish diplomacy from 1969 to 1971, when Stefan Jedrychowski was the Minister for Foreign Affairs. During this period the most important event was the Treaty of alliance with the German Federal Republic 7 th December 1970. It was a solid foundation to consider the Polish West border as the frontier between two rivers the Odra and the Nysa. Anyway, it cannot be credited to Stefan Jedrychowski. The second important element of polish diplomacy was the economic situ- ation, especially the growth of export. The closing part of the article makes a reference to the government’s foreign policy in 1971, when Edward Gierek came to power in Poland. To sum up it was the beginning of Polish diplomacy in the 1960 s and 1970 s.
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