Search results

1

Aksjologiczna dezintegracja w UE? Przypadek Węgier

100%

Góralczyk B.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2015

|

issue 4

91-118

EN

Hungary since 2010 has entered into the new chapter in its history, described on domestic scene as the „era of ﬁght for freedom”, of national independence (from any foreign diktat) and „unorthodox economy”, which led also to the „opening to the East” (including China and Russia). Even the unquestioned leader of the State, prime minister Viktor Orbán conﬁrmed, that this is „an illiberal system”, moving ever since further and further away from liberal democracy established in 1990. The author of this study, using mainly Hungarian and Hungarian language sources, is trying to describe, what is the essence of the new system, how it works and looks like. This Hungarian case study seems to be important, as it shows yet another challenge on the road of European integration, with so many other obstacles recently. Is the new Hungarian system a showcase for the others in the region, and the whole EU? No one knows the answer, but it is the highest time to know, how the Hungarian system is looking from the inside, after withdrawal from the principles of the rule of law, liberal democracy and the separation of powers, or checks and balances.

2

Poland in the European Arena after Accession

100%

Góralczyk B.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

|

2014

|

vol. 17

s.91-116

EN

Poland, as a middle-income and middle-sized power, has been constantly growing during the process of its post-Communist transformation (1990–2014). In this multilayered study the author employs the viewpoints of political science, sociology, economy, international relations, and even the philosophy of development. He concludes that with respect to both the contemporary and future role of Poland on the international scene, its domestic dynamics is no less important than its share of power on the global level. In that regard, after 2008 a fundamental change has been taking place, i.e. the erosion of Western domination, in contrast to the early years of Poland’s transformation, when it so eagerly wanted to be a part of the West. In particular this concerns the European Union, which has been the ‘modernization anchor’ for Poland. Following the crisis of 2008 the EU has been in a state of fl ux and structura crisis, the outcome of which is still uncertain. Simultaneously the events in Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea by Russia have created an era of new geostrategic challenges - and very close to Poland’s borders. Thus, Poland finds itself once again facing its classical dilemma: between Russia and Germany. The author concludes that Poland has no other choice than to elaborate a new raison d’etat, like in the early 1990s. However, in order to do this one needs domestic unity, which unfortunately is lacking in Poland now. And this is the major challenge it faces.

3

Powrót Historii, czyli rewolucja antyliberalna

100%

Góralczyk B.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2017

|

issue 1

9-32

EN

The European Union, an unique entity on the global scene, is at the crossroads. Original blueprint to create supranational subject is broken, under the pressure of Constitutional crisis (2005) and later economic and financial one (a spectre of Grexit). The process has speeded up in 2014 when external security went to the agenda, followed by unprecedented migrant wave coming to the EU in 2015. As result former euroenthusiasm has been replaced by euroskeptic forces, mostly of populist or nationalist nature what was so strongly confirmed by the British Brexit vote in June 2016. Those accumulated crises brought about many new division lines within the EU, well defined in this study – of political, economic, social, but even religious and cultural nature. Dominating till now liberal mainstream is retreating, while ‘illiberal democracy’, however meant, or even authoritarian solutions are starting to flourish. This is an extraordinary era when the whole project of European integration is at stake. Time to react and to sacrifice a lot to save it, if we don’t want to retreat under the new challenges surrounding us. The EU can be saved, even if it be different than before – the Author claims.

4

New Division Lines in the European Union: How to Cope with Them?

100%

Góralczyk B.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2018

|

vol. 4

9-21

EN

The situation in the European Union (the EU) is undergoing in recent years a very dynamic, if not dramatic, change. During the process current liberal mainstream has found itself under growing pressure of many antiestablishment forces, mainly of far-right, more and more frequently described as (what depend from the perspective of the analysis) as "counterrevolutionary” or “revolutionary change”. What are the reasons of those deep social and political controversies in the EU and what they can produce? Author of this study is coming to conclusion, that multiple crises need creative thinking. It is already more than obvious that Europe now is facing many complicated problems to be resolved. Especially by those, who are concerned about the future of the EU and its member states. Because, if they will not fi nd a solution, their “populist” and “nationalist” opponents will prevail.

5

Return of History or Anti-liberal Revolution

100%

Góralczyk B.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

|

2016

|

issue 19

11-34

EN

The European Union, a unique entity on the global scene, is at a crossroads. The original blueprint to create a supranational entity is broken, under the pressure of the constitutional crisis (2005) and later the economic and financial one (the spectre of Grexit). The process sped up in 2014, when external security appeared on the agenda, followed by an unprecedented migrant wave coming to the EU in 2015. As a result, former Euroenthusiasm has been replaced by Euroskeptic forces, mostly of populist or nationalist nature, which was strongly confi rmed by the British Brexit vote in June 2016. Those accumulated crises brought about many new division lines within the EU, well defined in this study – of political, economic, social, and even religious or cultural nature. The liberal mainstream, which has been dominant until recently, is retreating, while ‘illiberal democracy’, however it is understood, or even authoritarian solutions, are starting to flourish. This is an extraordinary era when the entire project of European integration is at stake. Time to react and sacrifice a lot to save it, if we do not want to retreat under the new challenges surrounding us. According to the author, the EU can be saved, even if it will be different than before.

6

Partie polityczne państw Grupy Wyszehradzkiej wobec UE: kierunki myślenia i działania w obliczu kryzysu

100%

Góralczyk B.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2019

|

vol. 3

69-90

EN

Visegrad Group (V4) containing Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, is one of the examples of regional cooperation within the European Union(EU). Recently V4 has shown some coherence in case of migrant wave to the EU, as well as presented unified position vis-à-vis climate change or leaders election in the EU. The Author has taken into consideration major political parties – both ruling and in the opposition – and their programs in all V4 countries and comes to following conclusions: 1. There is no coherence of V4, as Czech Republic and Slovakia are not ready to follow the footsteps of Hungary and Poland in creation of so called illiberal democracies. 2. All V4 countries are domestically highly polarized, with the exception of Hungary dominated by its charismatic leader Viktor Orbán. 3. Internal instability cannot bring a cohesive and unifi ed voice of V4 in the EU in more coordinated way. 4. If V4 countries will constantly undermine the core system of values, or Copenhagen criteria, of the EU, as Hungary and Poland is doing, combined with more and more problems with corruption, as all of them have, then un-famous East – West division line can reemerge in the EU and on the European continent leading to weakening of it on the global scene.

7

Axiological Disintegration of the EU? The Case of Hungary

100%

Góralczyk B.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

|

2015

|

issue 18

81-110

EN

In 2010 Hungary entered a new chapter in its history, described on the domestic stage as ‘the struggle for freedom’, the ‘age of national independence’ (from any foreign diktat) and the ‘unorthodox economy’, which led also to its ‘opening to the East’ (including China and Russia). The unquestioned leader of the state, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, even confi rmed that this is ‘an illiberal system’, moving ever further and further away from the liberal democracy established in 1990. Using mainly Hungarian language sources (as only small part of the crucial material is available in English), this study tries to describe the essence of the new system, the way it works, and what it looks like. The importance of this Hungarian case study lies in the fact that it constitutes yet another challenge on the path of European integration, along with so many other obstacles that have recently been occurring. Is the new Hungarian system a model for the others in the region and for the whole EU? No one knows the answer, but it is high time we examined what the Hungarian system looks like from the inside, after its departure from the rule of law, liberal democracy, and the system of checks and balances.

8

W poszukiwaniu chińskiego modelu rozwojowego

100%

Góralczyk B.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

|

2016

|

issue 1

40-61

EN

The Western world, both political and academic, had long been waiting for a Chinese adaptation to Western norms and values. However, as this article presents, Chinese intellectuals and experts not only did not follow in the Western footsteps, but—being strongly diversified among themselves—have prepared a unique development model sui generis, which is the crux of this discourse. China had already carved out a unique model of modernisation and transition once, in the era of the first “survival phase of reform” (1978–2010). Now, within the framework of domestic debate on the Chinese model of development (Zhongguo moshi), extensively elaborated on in this study, the China-specific development and modernisation model is on the agenda again, partly under the umbrella of “a great renaissance of the Chinese nation,” equalised in Beijing with the “Chinese dream,” and partly in response to very pragmatic and realist notions proposed by other experts. However, this new model is not fully implemented yet, which for an autocratic regime means a very delicate moment in history, as Alexis de Tocqueville once noted.

9

Rewolucja Xinhai w chińskich dziejach

100%

Góralczyk B.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2011

|

issue XIV

11-30

EN

This is not a study of history where the meticulous author attempts to present the course of events. It is rather an exercise in political science of searching the reasons behind certain decisions, events and processes. The Author comes to the conclusion that the original reason why the Xinhai Revolution took place was mainly domestic, not international. Isolationist China could not catch up with the rest of the modern world, and already in the early 19th century she became outdated in both political and economic terms. It was China’s isolationism, immense pride and negation of the outside world which later brought about the Opium Wars, and the constant decline of the Manchu Qing Dynasty. Thus, internal instability, starting from the Taiping Revolt, and external intervention of foreign powers were, of course, also important, but secondary in this course of history. The Xinhai Revolution, initiated by the so-called Wuchang Incident happened by accident but brought about, in effect, a revolutionary change, terminating the Chinese Empire and initiating a republican model of governing. Unfortunately, the collapse of imperial power was not followed by domestic stability. On the contrary, the warlords’ activities and Yuan Shikai’s attempt to restore the Monarchy were a series of fatal deeds and mistakes. China has become divided and remains so – until today. However, it is to be noted, that recently the different opinions concerning Xinhai between the two main opponents on the Chinese scene in 20th century, the Communist Party of China and the Nationalist Party of Guomindang, as well as across the Taiwan Strait, seem to be getting closer to each other. Is this a sign of China’s final unification which was one of the dreams of the “father” of the Xinhai Revolution, dr Sun Yat-sen? It is too early to come to such a conclusion, but the process – again – is worth being observed. One hundred years after Xinhai the whole Chinese community (diaspora) is closer to each other than any time before in the past since the Empire collapsed. That’s why Xinhai seems to be more important than ever before.

10

Brytyjczycy wkraczają do Birmy (Historia trzech inwazji)

100%

Góralczyk B.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2010

|

issue XIII

21-43

EN

The British Empire came to Burma gradually. Three wars (1822-24, 1852, 1885) were necessary to conquer this country. The gist of this chapter is a detailed description of those three invasions, according to the most recent data and sources available. The author is quoting many primary sources, mainly British, from that period, like – for instance - the writings of Arthur Phayre, major Snodgrass, William F.B. Laurie, bishop Vincenzo Sangermano, the merchant Henry Gouger or Kinwun Myingyi. Some more recent studies, especially those of D.G.E. Hall, A.T.Q. Stewart (“The Pagoda War”), Thant Myint-U or Maung Htin Aung were also used. These research works and memoirs were mixed with volumes of documents (like “The Defeat of Ava” by Terence R. Blackburn or famous “The Glass Palace Chronicle of the Kings of Burma”) and major international comparative studies, like those found in “The Cambridge History of South-East Asia”. This is the first study of this kind ever to be published in Polish literature, being a part of a book by the author on the dramatic fate of Burma in its long history. In the final part of his study the author comes to the conclusion, that both British colonial wars and behavior in Burma has brought about fervent nationalism among Burmese elites, dissatisfied with the British negation of their Monarchy, the Sangha (Buddhist hierarchy) and traditional customs, for instance the monastic scholar system known as phongyi kyuang. Those were the reasons for the quick appearance of dacoity in vast Burmese territories and later the fierce and fervent nationalism visible in the actions of general Aung San and other thakins (i.e. Burmese “masters”), who eventually brought about a return to independence for the country in 1948. Thus, the history of the British invasion of Burma has some important features and lessons for other possible invaders, wherever and whoever they may be.

11

Nowy rozdział w dziejach Birmy-Myanmar: Co ze sobą przyniesie?

100%

Góralczyk B.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2010

|

issue XIII

10-20

EN

On November 7, 2010 the so-called democratic elections were held in the Union of Myanmar. The name of the state was changed once again, like in October 1988, this time to the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. The flag of the state has also changed. The generals took off their uniforms. Does it mean that we have a new, democratic chapter in the history of this unfortunate state? Especially that on November 13 Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi has finally, this time after 7 years (and 15 years altogether in the last 21), been released from her house arrest? In this short study (partly an introduction to this volume dealing with Burma-Mynamar), the author is trying to assess the current situation in this troubled country reaching the conclusion that this recent political exercise resembles what general Ne Win, the former dictator of Burma, did in the middle of the 1970’s. In other words, there is no guarantee whatsoever that this time, finally, Mynamar is getting closer to a real democracy. A litmus test of what is really going on there will be the attitude of the new “democratic” rulers in Naypyidaw, the new capital of the country since 2005, towards Aung San Suu Kyi and her followers. The chapter is also a short history of modern Burma, since Ne Win’s fateful coup d’etat in 1962.

12

Chiny na arenie międzynarodowej

63%

Góralczyk B., Góralczyk Z.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2001

|

issue IV

9-27

EN

The authors analyze China’s changing role in the international relations. They indicate that China was not only the state but also the cradle and a center of a civilization which contributed a lot to the human civilization. They also point out the complexity of the term „China” from a political perspective: the presence of the state of People’s Republic of China, the two particular post-colonial enclaves (Hong Kong and Macau), Taiwan and of the Chinese communities abroad and the states they created, i.e, Singapore. They present the term „Greater China” in its various meanings. Another great problem briefly outlined here relates to the modernization of this country. The authors indicate an enormous scale of this process in such a giant country and its historical difficulties. In this context they present the results of the reforms in the last 25 years. They conclude that the aim indicated by Deng Xiaoping - to quadruple China’s GNP - has been achieved. The authors indicate other economic and social achievements, as well as various problems and challenges connected with such a rapid economic development. In their opinion, China’s political system and its changes essentially correspond to the so-called „Asian values”. The Chinese leaders openly rejected the Western model of democracy and have chosen the authoritarian models of the „Asian tigers” that already demonstrated their efficiency in granting economic development and modernization. The authors remain as an open question the possibility of successful application of these models to China. It is not certain that the combination of free market economy with an authoritarian political system so efficient in the case of Singapore, South Korea or Taiwan, will bring a similar success to the mainland China. The authors indicate that Professor Zbigniew Brzezinski was probably right to consider China as a raising regional power. This process is in the course and the unification of the country constitutes its precondition. The unification of the two enclaves, Hong Kong and Macau, was already achieved. Much more complex is the problem of Taiwan (presented in detail). It deserves attention that the proposed „unified China” will maintain to some degree its traditional political pluralism. According to the authors, China is on her way to the status of a global power and the world must adjust itself to this new situation. However, it is closely related to the unification with Taiwan. A real social and economic integration with this island is progressing, but its younger generations could be less convinced that a political unification is necessary. Its prospects depend on the success of the modernization process on the continent, but nobody could predict its results, considering various difficulties. On the other hand, the unification of China depends on Washington and Tokyo as well, and the „Taiwan card” is an important American asset that provides some control over the developments in the region. The Chinese communities abroad could also facilitate the unification and modernization processes. Thus nobody could predict when China could become a true regional power fully autonomous in her relations with other powers and whether arid when she will be a global power, although her influence on the world affairs can be noticed even today.

13

(recenzje) Czy Chiny dokonają reform politycznych?

51%

Góralczyk B.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2006

|

issue IX

260-267

14

(recenzje) Czy Chiny zajmują „geostrategiczny sworzeń”?

51%

Góralczyk B.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2012

|

issue XV

282-286

15

(recenzje) Aung San Suu Kyi – Ciężar moralnego sprzeciwu

51%

Góralczyk B.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2008

|

issue XI

258-264

16

Ciążenie Państwa Środka – Chińczycy w Tajlandii

51%

Góralczyk B.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2007

|

issue X

204-214

17

(recenzje) Widok zza koszarowych murów

44%

Góralczyk B.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2007

|

issue X

260-265

18

(recenzje) Nowa węgierska historia Chin

44%

Góralczyk B.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2001

|

issue IV

261-263

19

(recenzje) Tajlandia – tradycyjna czy nowoczesna?

44%

Góralczyk B.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2008

|

issue XI

253-257

20

Reperkusje dramatu na Placu Tiananmen

44%

Góralczyk B.

Azja-Pacyfik

|

2001

|

issue IV

182-199

Refine search results

Aksjologiczna dezintegracja w UE? Przypadek Węgier

Poland in the European Arena after Accession

Powrót Historii, czyli rewolucja antyliberalna

New Division Lines in the European Union: How to Cope with Them?

Return of History or Anti-liberal Revolution

Partie polityczne państw Grupy Wyszehradzkiej wobec UE: kierunki myślenia i działania w obliczu kryzysu

Axiological Disintegration of the EU? The Case of Hungary

W poszukiwaniu chińskiego modelu rozwojowego

Rewolucja Xinhai w chińskich dziejach

Brytyjczycy wkraczają do Birmy (Historia trzech inwazji)

Nowy rozdział w dziejach Birmy-Myanmar: Co ze sobą przyniesie?

Chiny na arenie międzynarodowej

(recenzje) Czy Chiny dokonają reform politycznych?

(recenzje) Czy Chiny zajmują „geostrategiczny sworzeń”?

(recenzje) Aung San Suu Kyi – Ciężar moralnego sprzeciwu

Ciążenie Państwa Środka – Chińczycy w Tajlandii

(recenzje) Widok zza koszarowych murów

(recenzje) Nowa węgierska historia Chin

(recenzje) Tajlandia – tradycyjna czy nowoczesna?

Reperkusje dramatu na Placu Tiananmen