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1
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Jonathan Walker, Trzecia wojna światowa. Tajny plan wyrwania Polski z rąk Stalina, przekład Łukasz Witczak, Wyd. Znak Horyzont, Kraków 2014, ss. 314

100%
Sioma M.
Res Historica
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2015
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issue 40
2
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Polityka Obozu Zjednoczenia Narodowego wobec wsi i chłopów w latach 1937–1939

100%
Sioma M.
Res Historica
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2013
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issue 35
EN
The Discussion about the role of villages and peasants in the structure of the state between 1937 and 1939 has a few dimensions. The first and the most important refers to the participation of countryside in the political life of the state under the banner of the Camp of National Unity. The second refers to the peasants, their place and role in the state. The third mentions the possibility of social advancement through education and the development of widely-understood culture.  Undoubtedly the Camp allowed the lower classes for the active participation in the life of the state, a fact that was emphasised by its propagandistic apparatus claiming that particularly the peasants were deprived of such opportunity before, since the existing political parties did not take the peasants’ needs into consideration, but focused on their own privileges instead. It is characteristic that in a way the Camp of National Unity was also distancing itself from the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (Bezpartyjny Blok Współpracy z Rządem) which cannot be surprising if we state that the two political structures varied from each other in a significant manner. The changing from the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government to the Camp of National Unity was also not automatic, which does not mean that many activists would not follow this path. However, in the case of the peasants, the process was quite new since it was only the CNU which gave them the opportunity for an actual participation in the co-governing in Poland.
PL
Artykuł nie posiada streszczenia w języku polskim.
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The First Two Years at the Wawel Castle. The Origin of the Conflict Over Marshal Józef Piłsudski's Coffin (1935-1937)

100%
Sioma M.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2021
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issue 2
322-346
EN
The death of Poland’s First Marshal was used by his adherents for political purposes. Piłsudski’s funeral ceremonies constituted an unprecedented and symbolic event aimed at highlighting his greatness and merits and portraying him as one of Poland’s most distinguished citizens. The ceremonies continued for a few days (and the national mourning for six weeks). The Chief Committee for the Remembrance of Marshal Józef Piłsudski was set up with a view to honouring the Marshal and his deeds. The Committee’s efforts were coordinated by the Executive Department (the WWNK), whose main task was to make sure that the coffin with Piłsudski would be deposited in the crypt under the Tower of the Silver Bells. Because of the scope of work to be carried out in the Wawel Cathedral, constituting property of the Catholic Church, the task was extremely difficult to carry out. It did not take long before it became clear that the goals pursued by both sides (secular and ecclesiastical one) were significantly different. The divergence of opinions led to the conflict that broke out almost immediately after Piłsudski’s body had been deposited in the coffin, and continued until 1937. This article deals with the origin of the conflict which has so far received little attention from scholars, who have focused mainly on the events which, taking place in June and July 1937, formed the most important part of it. Analysis of the source material has enabled the reconstruction of the events from 1935–1937, thus ensuring the possibility of looking at the issue from a new perspective and explaining the reasons for the escalation of the dispute over Piłsudski’s coffin. As shown in the article, the irresponsibility of Piłsudski’s adherents on the one hand, and Archbishop Sapieha’s obstinacy on the other, led to one of the greatest social crises in the inter-war Poland. The author takes his account to 23 June 1937, that is, to the point where the conflict got out of the cabinets of those directly involved in it and became a public issue. The author’s aim in this article was also to reproduce the whole process leading to the outbreak of the conflict in 1937, and to show the role played in it by particular individuals whose behaviour and attitude created a situation in which none of the sides felt responsible for the conflict’s outbreak and none was prepared to make any concessions. The conflict was brought to an end after months of efforts involving the President of the Polish Republic and both Polish and Vatican diplomacies. It is hard to say how it affected the public. It certainly affected the way in which Archbishop Sapieha was perceived. Suffice it say that some demanded that he should be imprisoned in the Bereza Kartuska prison.
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Inne spojrzenie, czyli odmienna interpretacja zamachu stanu Józefa Piłsudskiego w związku z książką Czesława Witkowskiego, Majowy zamach stanu

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Sioma M.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2018
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vol. 50
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issue 1
5
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Koncepcja władzy i spór o elitę obozu piłsudczykowskiego w latach 1935–1939. Zarys zagadnienia

100%
Sioma M.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2015
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vol. 47
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issue 4
PL
The Conception of Power and the Dispute about the Elite of the Piłsudskite Camp in 1935–1939. An Outline of the ProblemThe rule of the Piłsudskites, owing to the power takeover by Józef Piłsudski, lasted until September 1939. During that time they not only governed the State but they also tried to develop a coherent concept of the exercise of power. Thanks to Walery Sławek an assumption was adopted that government would be entrusted with the elite of the Piłsudskite camp. This process was initiated in the 1935 Constitution and continued after the death of the Commandant [i.e. Józef Piłsudski]. Having set up the Camp of National Unity (OZN) in February 1937, the Piłsudskites assumed that it would strive to monopolize Poland’s political, social and cultural life on the basis of the conception of the power elite as a group of predestined persons who had been approved by J. Piłsudski. However, the elitist system was never completely built, which was the effect of first of all not having institutionalized it. There were several reasons for this state of affairs. Undoubtedly, disintegration and intra–camp conflicts were not conducive to the implementation of the grand design, but not without significance was also the resistance on the part of the adversaries, who saw in the elite and in its concept of elitarianism (elitism) the dangers for Poland and to her society. It also remains an open issue how we assess the condition of the Piłsudskite elite and their accomplishments in governing the State, in the conception of the exercise of power, and in Poland’s preparedness for a war against Germany.
6
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S. Kalbarczyk, Kazimierz Bartel (1882–1941). Uczony w świecie polityki

50%
Sioma M.
Kwartalnik Historyczny
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2018
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vol. 125
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issue 1
7
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Sprawozdania

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Słapek D., Łuć I., Maleszyk R., Stępnik A., Ausz M., Czarnota T., Buczkowska M., Solska E., Sioma M., Gmiterek H.
Res Historica
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2013
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issue 35
EN
The article dosn’t have abstract in english.
PL
Artykuł nie posiada streszczenia w języku polskim.
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