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EN
On the basis of the Treaty of Nice, the European Union institutions have obtained a crucial right to inspection rule of law in its Member States, encompassing the areas of law being within their exclusive competence. The main aim of the study is to analyze the legitimacy of this extensive intrusion European Union in particular from the point of view of the objectives of this organization. The author indicates that the area in which the European Union has a real interest are the elections to the national authorities that participate in the European Union legislative procedure. Election of this authorities in undemocratic procedure weakens – already undermined – legitimacy of the European Union. The author postulates thereby limiting the scope of this control.
EN
The Author comments on the European Court of Human Rights judgment on the issue of the European Parliament elections, specifically the directness of the elections and the right to stand as a candidate. The problem was how to fill additional seats created by the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. The author criticizes the judgment of the Court, according to which there was no violation of the right to free elections in Protocol No 1 to the Convention by distribution two additional seats in indirect elections. He argues that the right to free elections was infringe by too late adoption of a legal regulation setting out the rules governing additional seats (violation of the ban on the change of important electoral regulations before the election, and even more after the election) and its disproportionality to the aim.
EN
The article presents the issues related to the appointment or dismissal of municipal bodies in the supervisory proceedings. In his article, the author discusses the changes that have taken place since 1990 as a result of the change in the self-governmental system, and he analyses them from the perspective of the bodies elected in direct elections. He also emphasises the need to discuss potential changes that would prevent serious and recurring breaches of the law on the part of municipal bodies.
EN
In Poland, the institution of participative budget was firstly introduced in 2011 in Sopot. Since then, the number of local governments, mainly at the lowest level, which have introduced this form of direct democracy is systematically growing. The statutory regulation of this budgeting process was introduced at the beginning of 2018, establishing social consultations in which residents of a community vote on the submitted projects. In this study, the author presents the statutory regulation and evaluates it primarily in the light of the existing solutions introduced by the largest cities (Warsaw, Krakow, Poznan, Wroclaw, Lodz), and presents de lege ferenda remarks.
EN
The article contains an analysis of Polish law regulations in the field of unpaid leave granted to candidates for the duration of the election campaign. The conducted analysis of Polish solutions regarding leave for the duration of the election campaign shows that it is imprecise, inconsistent and dispersed over many acts. Therefore, it is necessary to postulate that this issue should be regulated in the election code, preferably in the chapter concerning the election campaign. This regulation should include such issues as: the deadline for submitting an application for unpaid leave, the circumstance that triggers this obligation, as well as the date until which the unpaid leave lasts. Consideration should also be given to introducing a general right for all employees, not only in public office, to unpaid leave for the duration of the election campaign. This would ensure equal opportunities for these candidates with those holding public office who are entitled (or even obliged) to take such a leave.
PL
Przedmiotem opracowania jest problematyka referendum niepodległościowego na przykładzie Szkocji, Zjednoczonego Królestwa Wielkiej Brytanii oraz Irlandii Północnej. Autor prezentuje historię burzliwych relacji Szkocji oraz Anglii, które naznaczone były długoletnimi dążeniami niepodległościowymi narodu szkockiego. Głównym przedmiotem rozważań jest regulacja prawna przeprowadzonego w dniu 18 września 2014 r. referendum w sprawie nie- podległości Szkocji, co stanowi również pole do odwołań do rozwiązań stosowanych w innych tego typu referendach. Szczególnie istotną kwestią jest właściwe określenie kręgu osób, które w drodze głosowania będą decydować o przyszłości dążącego do niepodległości terytorium. Autor postuluje co do zasady szerokie zakreślenie tego kręgu. Proponuje również przygotowaniem konwencji międzynarodowej, która regulowałaby zasady przeprowadzania referendów niepodległościowych lub przynajmniej zaleceń w tym zakresie.
EN
The study is the issue of independence referendum on the example of Scotland and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The author presents the story of the turbulent relationship of Scotland and England, which was marked by the nation’s long-standing aspirations of independence for Scotland. The main subject of discussion is the legal regulation conducted on 18 September 2014 referendum on Scottish inde- pendence, which is also basis for appeals to the solutions used in other similar referendums. Particularly important is the proper definition of persons determining by voting on the future of territory seeking independence, which should be quite broad. He also advocates preparation of an international convention to regulate the principle of the independence referenda or at least recommendations in this regard.
EN
In the doctrine of constitutional law the concept of „principles of electoral law” has been known for a long time. However, this catalog lacks the principle of periodicity in election which, according to the Author, is a basic and necessary principle to ensure a fully democratic character of the electoral process. In this study he analyzes international documents, which show that this principle is a permanent element of democratic elections. He also refers to the constitutional provisions of various countries that require periodic elections. Then, he attempts to reconstruct the content of the principle of periodicity pointing to its basic elements: a reasonable term of office of representative bodies, a fixed date of voting and strictly defined cases of shortening and extending the term of office. Finally, he puts forward the thesis that even in the absence of this principle in the catalog of electoral law principles, it results from the principle of the rule of law. For these reasons, the Author postulates the inclusion of the principle of periodicity in election in the catalog of electoral law principles.
EN
On 6 May 2015, the Act No. 52 was passed. It introduced important changes in the method of electing the composition of the Italian Chamber of Deputies. The most important of them consisted in a change in the construction of the majority bonus, as it was not enough to obtain the largest number of votes to receive extra seats. An additional requirement was imposed according to which bonus seats will be granted only to a grouping which reaches at least 40% of valid votes. In the judgment of 25 January 2017 (Ref. No. 48b/2015) the Constitutional Court of the Italian Republic found the unconstitutionality of the majority bonus. One of the main objections of the Court was to seek the authors of the challenged legal regulation to create each time a parliamentary majority capable of forming a stable government, at the expense of a high imbalance in the fi nal allocation of seats in the Chamber of Deputies, which violates Article 48 para. 2 of the Constitution of the Italian Republic
EN
In Make It 16 Incorporated vs. the Attorney-General, 21 November 2022, the Supreme Court of New Zealand ruled that existing legislation that does not allow people to vote in elections before the age of 18 is discriminatory because it is inconsistent with the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990, which guarantees citizens freedom from age discrimination after the age of 16. The New Zealand Supreme Court has issued a declaration of incompatibility in this regard. However, this does not oblige either the government or parliament to lower the voting age.
EN
The parliamentary elections in Croatia were ordered for 5 July 2020. However, as the election date approached, the number of coronavirus infections increased, prompting the authority responsible for overseeing the conduct of the elections, i.e., the State Election Commission of the Republic of Croatia, to issue appropriate voting guidelines. People in self-isolation had the opportunity to vote only if the registration activities were completed by 2 July 2020, as this guaranteed a visit from a member of the election commission to whom they could pass the vote, but completely excluded infected persons from the vote. On 1 July 2020, one of the Croatian non-governmental organizations, the GONG, submitted a request to the Constitutional Court (supported by the signatures of several dozen citizens) to examine the legality of the elections, arguing that the state authorities are obliged to give each voter the possibility to vote in the elections. The Constitutional Court stated that the state authorities are obliged to create the legal possibility of exercising the right to vote guaranteed by the constitution for all citizens who express such wish, including those who have been diagnosed with SARS-CoV-2 (COVID 19) or any other infectious disease, and who, for this reason, remain in isolation.
EN
The case concerned the election of the President of the United States of America who is elected by the Electoral College. In the 2016 election, Washington’s three electors voted inconsistent with the results of the general election in the state from which they were delegated. As a result, these electors were fined $ 1,000. The Supreme Court confirmed the constitutionality of this type of solution, because there is no provision in the Constitution of the United States of America that would explicitly prohibit states from depriving presidential electors of their freedom to vote.
EN
The case concerned three key issues. First, is prorogation of parliament subject to court juris- diction? Second, what are the restrictions on exercising the right to prorogation of the Parlia- ment? Third, did in this particular case the prorogation prevent the Parliament, with no justi ed reason, from exercising its role? The judges decided that the recommendation on the proroga- tion of the Parliament presented to the Queen by the Prime Minister was unlawful and had no legal consequences, i.e., they concluded that there was no suspension of parliament at all and the session was therefore still ongoing.
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EN
The purpose of this article is to examine the compatibility of electronic voting using the electronic voting machines and the Internet voting (i-voting) with the principles of electoral law. The analysis shows that the greatest doubts may be raised about the compliance of the vote (mainly i-voting) with the principle of secrecy. Secrecy of the vote couldn’t be guaranteed because of an uncontrolled environment in which votes are cast and stored. Hence, the author considers the abolition of one of the elements of secrecy, which is a requirement of anonymity. He also points out the need of extending the rules of the electoral law to include the principle of the public nature of elections, which would guarantee the access of voters to the electoral process following the vote, which legal provisions governing electronic voting usually do not provide. Finally, he indicates the need for very cautious implementation of this method of voting.
EN
The Parliament of Singapore of the 13th parliamentary term was dissolved on 23 June 2020. Despite the ongoing SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus pandemic, this meant, in accordance with Article 66 of the 1965 Constitution of the Republic of Singapore, that the parliamentary elections had to be held. However, the legislator has established special rules for the election procedure in connection with the ongoing coronavirus pandemic. A special statutory regulation was adopted on 4 May 2020. Among other things, solutions have been introduced to give people isolated due to the coronavirus the opportunity to vote by organizing elections in places of mass isolation, such as hotels or student dormitories. The solutions provided for in this regulation have been the subject of a court complaint filed by Daniel De Costa Augustin, a Singapore citizen. In the complaint it was argued that the precautionary measures needed to protect public health at the present time have the effect of depriving voters of the right to free and fair elections. In the judgement, the Court of Appeal found that the applicant had failed to show that the adopted solutions violated the right to vote. In particular, it pointed out that health issues are not related to the right to vote and should be dealt with separately as a public health issue, which was not the subject of any action brought before the Court of Appeal.
EN
The subject of the opinion is the compliance with European electoral standards of the provisions contained in the bill concerning, inter alia, amendments to the Electoral Code (Sejm Paper no. 2001), contained in the Code of Good Practice on Elections, the case law of the European Court of Human Rights and the reports of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The proposed changes are in conformity with European electoral standards. Some doubts can only be raised in relation to the increase in the number of signatures required to register a list of candidates in municipalities with a small number of residents
EN
In initial part of the article the author affirms that the multitude of construction of blocking authorizes to put the thesis, that the apparentment deserves on name the institution of electoral law. The first part of the article presents a comparative overview about solutions applying in France, Italy, Switzerland and Belgium, which provide arguments to prove aforementioned thesis about multitude of solutions concerning apparentment. The second part of the paper presents a short history of legal regulation of the issue of joint lists of candidates and much more wider considerations about present solutions. Author put thesis that PiS introducing apparentment to self-governmental election law before elections in 2006 wanted to cause additional mandates. Author points out that electoral failure of this party was caused by the incorrect expectations concerning political rival behavior as well as by the unpredictability of mathematical apparatus of blocking. Article also refers to proposal of introduction examined institution to parliamentarian elections and possible this consequences. Next part of the article discusses conformity describing institution with Polish Constitution. The author comes to conclusion that this institution in construction with self-govermental electoral law violates the principle of generality and the equality of electoral right, additional if blocking would introduce to Sejm’s elections, then this also would be discordant with principle of proportionality. In conclusion author affirms that the most important postulate concerning apparentment is fuel and effective informing the electors about created electoral blocks and consequences of their creation for party being in block.
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Większości konstytucyjne — wybrane problemy

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EN
Collegial bodies as well as the sovereign make decisions by voting. The adoption of a legal act or the selection of a candidate depends on obtaining a certain majority of votes. The subject of this study is the majority of votes regulated in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The basic types of majority in force in the Polish Constitution are: simple, absolute and qualified majority. The authors present particular types of majority of votes used in votes of the Sejm, the Senate, the National Assembly and the Constitutional Tribunal, but also in elections and referendums. There are as many as eight types of majority required depending on the kind of decision to be made, which results from calculating the majority based on the statutory number of members, and not the actual number of voters. This is a sure sign that the legislator deliberately determined and differentiated the required majorities.
EN
The purpose of this paper is to present Polish legal regulations aimed at increasing the confidence of voters in the electoral process, primarily in the area of social control of elections, proposals formulated by Ruch Kontroli Wyborów and de lege ferenda remarks of the authors of this paper in this regard. The changes proposed by the authors primarily concern the introduction or modifi cation of mechanisms involving voters in the control of electoral procedure, in particular voting and determining voting results.
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