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EN
The article attempts to answer the question about the degree of information in the Polish central press of various events in the province. By this term it is understood those regions that remained away from the center of the leading political, social or cultural events in the country. To achieve that goal a research was conducted on the texts on the Gorzow Province printed in three leading dailes at that time, “Słowo Powszechne”, “Gromada – Rolnik Polski” and “Trybuna Ludu”. The content analysis proved that it those texts dominated economic (urban as well as agricultural industry) and political issues. Of marginal meaning were articles on history, sport and tourism and environment protection. The banality of the reports as well as domination of domestic politics in the central press made it impossible for a great number of readers to learn more about the Gorzow Province.
PL
Artykuł stara się odpowiedzieć na pytanie dotyczące stopnia informowania przez prasę centralną o wydarzeniach rozgrywanych na prowincji. Pod tym pojęciem rozumie się te regiony, które pozostawały poza centrum wiodących wydarzeń politycznych, społecznych czy kulturalnych w kraju. W tym celu zbadano teksty dotyczące woj. gorzowskiego, drukowane na łamach trzech wiodących wówczas dzienników, czyli „Słowa Powszechnego”, „Gromady – Rolnika Polskiego” i „Trybuny Ludu”. Analiza zawartości wykazała, iż w relacjach dominowały zagadnienia gospodarcze (przemysł miejski i rolniczy) i polityczne. Marginalnie natomiast traktowano takie tematy jak historia regionu, sport i turystyka oraz ochrona środowiska. Sztampowość relacji, a także zdominowanie prasy centralnej przez politykę wewnętrzną kraju uniemożliwiło lepsze poznanie woj. gorzowskiego przez szersze grono czytelników
EN
The 2015 refugee crisis – as the mass influx of migrants from the Middle East is commonly dubbed – tested the European Union’s ability to react to large-scale humanitarian emergencies. Apart from various organizational, social and political changes that the 2015 refugee crisis has brought to the European Union, it has also marked the growing role of information and communication technology (ICT) in the EU’s asylum and migration policies. Drawing from the critical perspective of international relations and such concepts as securitization of migration, the paper aims to analyse the engagement of ICT by EU institutions and individual Member States during the refugee crisis in 2015.
EN
Hate speech has become a key element of contemporary political discourse. It has also changed the very structure of communication. With the access to public sphere provided by social media, hate speech engages people in connective action, which allows it to construct and deconstruct collective identity. By doing this, hate speech undermines the idea of multicultural society. In order to succeed, such a society needs to engage its members in inclusive intercultural dialogue while hate speech strongly excludes all dissident voices, deepening political polarisation. This article presents an extensive analysis of hate speech from the perspective of intercultural communication. Drawing from available research and literature, the Author puts forward the thesis that hate speech is a communicative phenomenon that not only disrupts intercultural dialogue, but also leads to the disintegration of multicultural society.
PL
Mowa nienawiści na stałe wpisała się we współczesny dyskurs polityczny. Co więcej, doprowadziła do zmiany samej struktury komunikowania. Dzięki mediom społecznościowym, mowa nienawiści przedostała się do sfery publicznej, gdzie łączy użytkowników za pośrednictwem różnego rodzaju akcji społecznościowych, co z kolei pozwala jej na konstruowanie i dekonstruowanie tożsamości. W konsekwencji, mowa nienawiści podważa same fundamenty społeczeństwa wielokulturowego. Tymczasem, powodzenie takiego społeczeństwa zależy od jego zdolności do zaangażowania poszczególnych jednostek do dialogu międzykulturowego. Z kolei mowa nienawiści wyrzuca poza nawias społeczeństwa wszystkie głosy sprzeciwu, pogłębiając tym samym polityczną polaryzację. Artykuł przedstawia zatem innowacyjną i szeroką analizę mowy nienawiści z perspektywy komunikowania międzykulturowego. Posiłkując się dostępnymi badaniami i literaturą przedmiotu, Autor stawia tezę, iż mowa nienawiści, jako komunikacyjny fenomen, nie tylko zakłóca dialog międzykulturowy, ale także prowadzi do dezintegracji społeczeństwa wielokulturowego.
EN
The objective of the study is analysis of the collective memory of the inhabitants of Gorzów Wielkopolski – one of the two capital cities of the Lubusz Voivodship. Due to its border location, as well as an ethnically and culturally complex social structure, this city is an interesting case study of the formation of historical awareness on a local scale. The scientific problem involves the study of selected places of remembrance, historical policy of the local government and media discourse. The article is limited to the presentation of the most important places of memory, the analysis of the historical policy of the local government, and also examines the local discourse relating to historical figures and events of the past. Thanks to this, two foundations of collective memory of the contemporary inhabitants of Gorzów Wielkopolski have been determined. The first is a sense of continuity between the history of German Landsberg and the Polish Gorzów. The grassroots actions of regionalists and the systematic policies of the local government led to the „recovery” for the public sphere of this part of local history, which remained marginalized during the period of the Polish People’s Republic. The second foundation is the so-called eastern borderland history, which has been gaining importance in local collective memory for several years. The author puts forward the hypothesis that the case of Gorzów and the collective memory of its inhabitants shows the interpenetration of many levels: the private and public sphere, the grassroots activity and policies of the local government, the functioning of the media, or finally the local specificities and the activity of the central institutions, and in the case of this border region also of foreign institutions. For this purpose, the following methods were used, among others: historical method, descriptive method, analysis of discourse. The main part of the article is preceded by theoretical considerations on collective memory and its carriers and a characterization of the history of Gorzów, particular attention being paid to the groundbreaking year 1945 and its consequences for the contemporary city.
EN
Political culture is a broad and capacious term. For the purposes of this article I have acknowledged that it is a set of views, attitudes and beliefs prevalent in a given community. Analyzing from this angle the behavior of the inhabitants of the land of Brandenburgia and the former Gorzowskie Voyvodship, I have tried to demonstrate common features, as well as differences between the communities of the border region. Both communities had to cope with a difficult period of system transformation, which in addition to benefits, posed a lot of problems.
EN
The article analyzes the situation of the Roma people in the Lubuskie Region in the years 1945-1989. Being part of the so-called “Western Territories”, the Lubuskie Region, first as the Zielona Góra Voivodship and later divided into Zielona Góra Voivodship and Gorzów Voivodship, attracted a number of ethnic minorities, including Gypsies. “e article presents how local political and security authorities reacted to the presence of the Roma people, adapting central laws, most notably the 1964 forced settlement bill, to local situation. In their analysis, the authors use documents held in various local and central archives, including the Institute of National Remembrance archive and Ministry of the Interior archive.
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