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"Encyklopedie" Jarosława Marka Rymkiewicza jako historie literatury

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Maj J.
Prace Literackie
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2012
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vol. 52
119 - 134
EN
In the article the author analyses, from the point of view of generic studies, Jarosław Marek Rymkiewicz’s encyclopaedias devoted to Słowacki, Mickiewicz and Leśmian. The author examines whether these works are encyclopaedias by name only, whether they fulfil the task of the history of literature (whether they take on the duties of a historical-literary synthesis) and to what extent they are a response to the crisis in pursuing history proclaimed in the methodological discourse of historiography today. Part one presents the distinctive features of the form called by Rymkiewicz “encyclopaedia”; in the following (Wszystko i nic [All and nothing]), the author checks the quantity of literary and scientific elements of Słowacki, Mickiewicz and Leśmian. Wnętrze encyklopedii [Inside the encyclopaedia] tackles the problem of the genre of the various entries comprising these works of literary studies, while Encylopedyczna historia (nie)była [An encyclopaedic history was(not)] focuses on the historical hypothesis as an important quality of Rymkiewicz’s works. These analyses are summed up in Możliwa historia literatury [A possible history of literature], in which the author argues that the encyclopaedia can function as a historiographic genre and that Jarosław Marek Rymkiewicz’s encyclopaedia is a proposal of a history of literature, which, however, is not free of ideology.
2
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Rola Indii w Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych według koncepcji politycznej Jawaharlala Nehru

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Maj J.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2015
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vol. 47
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issue 3
PL
The Role of India in the United Nations Organisation according to the Political Conception of Jawaharlal NehruIndia's accession to the international system which is the UN stemmed from the conviction that it is an organization that in the postwar world shaped international relations based on the principle of political and economic cooperation and safeguard the peace. India's membership in the United Nations gave opportunities for the dissemination of political ideology and beliefs regarding aspects such as anti–colonialism, disarmament, peacekeeping. This created the opportunity to play a significant role for India in world politics. Hence, since accession to the UN India very actively engaged in the work and activities for the organization. India offered their services to mediate between the parties to the conflict, working in support of the independence movement and for the avoidance of violence between states, also tried to mark their positions within the UN. The presence of India in the United Nations and the active involvement of the various field activities of this organization is not only an opportunity to indicate their role in the international arena and spread an ideology of non–alignment, but also the opportunity to speak in the interests of the Third World and to winning economic aid to post–colonial states.
3
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Ewolucja stosunków chińsko-indyjskich w latach pięćdziesiątych XX wieku

100%
Maj J.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
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2008
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issue 82
149-172
EN
Regarding the size of their territories and the number of population, China and India take an important place among Asian countries. Since the appearance of independent India (1947) and the People’s Republic of China (1949) on international arena, the terms of these countries have gone through all possible sorts of stages. The present study investigates the Sino-Indian relations in nineteen fifties, which can be divided into three principal stages. 1950-1954, when India supported the Republic of China on international area, however, without definite political resonance on the part of the Chinese; the period of Sino-Indian cooperation on international forum as well as bilateral contacts on political, economical and cultural grounds in 1954-1957, and the stage from 1958 that has been characterized by anti-Indian attitude of Chinese governmental circles. The complexity of the relations was to a large scale the result of Chinese policy rather than the position of Indian government, regarded as more stable and consistent. It was the Chinese foreign policy that affected the climate of relations between both nations, and dramatic turns in these contacts resulted not only from change of selection of means to achieve Chinese basic political aims but also internal situation in Communist China. However, one should bear in mind that it was India that were more active in the period of creating these relations. Indian authorities believed that it was their responsibility to continue the millennial tradition of peaceful relations with China, although it mainly resulted from the existence of natural Himalayan border, making land military penetration impossible. The friendly relations with China were closely connected with J. Nehru’s conception to grant Asia a proper position in international relations. In these plans, India was about to play a part of the spokesman of Asian nations and the initiator of cooperation, which could have become an example for liberating colonial countries and also an alternative to double-blocked policy. Therefore, mainly because of these reasons, India had been insistently supporting the People’s Republic of China on international arena. Not to complicate Sino-Indian relations, India had given up traditional policy of supporting pro-independence endeavours of Tibet. The real symptom of Sino-Indian international cooperation was the settlement of common conception of creating ‘a peace zone’ in Asia region that was promoted in policy of these countries in years 1954-1957. The above mentioned initiative assumed the avoidance of conflicts among Asian countries with common efforts and diplomatic consultations supported also by countries outside Asian continent. It was in middle fifties when the premises of struggle for leadership in the area of Asia already appeared. The disturbing with regards of international aspect of Sino-Indian rivalry about leadership in Third World was revealed. First of all, Chinese and Indian businesses clashed on plain of international safety in Himalayan region. The safety had been violated by already mentioned different interpretation of borders, as well as policy of sides in neighboring countries of Burma, Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim. The fact of the existence of the border divergences may not have led to armed conflict between China and India, as in principle controversial regions did not matter economically. In fact, the border dispute became a pretext in strife about hegemony in Asia.
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