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EN
In spontaneous speech, metatextual units very often refer to textual operations (e.g., to put it simply = to express sg in a simpler form), but they may also serve to indicate certain mental processes going on during text creation, e.g., aha = some piece of information has occurred to the speaker while speaking (En ezt megcsinaltam / aha es odaadtam Pistanak 'I made it / oh yes, and gave it to Steve'); igen 'yes' = I have made the right choice (Figyelj! Tudod, hogy mar egy honapja... / igen, mar egy honapja / nem dohanyzom 'Listen, d'you know, it's been a month / yeah, a month / that I gave up smoking'). The metatextual operator mi? complements the mosaic of functions of the question word mi? 'what?' and may exclusively occur in interrogative contexts. Its first function is to indicate that a question is due to begin in a moment. In this sense, mi? is an anticipation of a question, a 'proto-question', e.g., Ez milyen színu? Mi? 'What colour is this? Eh?'. The operator mi? may also signal a question that suggests surprise: Mi? O ujra idekoltozott? 'What? She has moved back here?'.
EN
The general image of the world of which the linguistic image of the world constitutes an integral part is a collective construct of the given communicational community, representing a second reality in addition to the first (objective, physical) reality. This means that the first reality serves as a basis for the creation of the second that is manifested in various semiotic phenomena, including linguistic texts, messages, etc. In that sense, the second reality is a meta-image of the first, given that it has been created by humans according to their world view and that it never reflects an isomorphic and full image of the first reality. The second reality includes the linguistic, scientific, and cultural images of the world. Natural language forms its image of the world according to its own regularities. The scientific and cultural images of the world can only come into being after the linguistic image of the world has taken shape, that is, after some language has been acquired. This means that language is primary and basic compared to any construct that human intellect may create, and also that it makes it possible for various other phenomena having to do with learning about the world, referring to a subjective interpretation of the world, to be superposed on it. The main issue is in what ways the linguistic image of the world is manifested in concrete linguistic utterances or texts and what linguistic items carry it. Above all, the following things may be involved: grammatical structures, word stock and phraseology, syntax and text structure, semantics, etymology, stylistics, onomastics, and linguistic etiquette. In this paper, the author makes certain remarks concerning the mutual untranslatability of the linguistic and cultural images of the world, that is, the lack of equivalence between those two types of images. By way of illustration, the image of the world that certain groups of American Indians have created is discussed.
EN
The concept 'mother' has a comparatively wide, multi-profile cognitive base in Hungarian that is appropriately reflected in its internal taxonomy, too. Several domains make up that base. For instance, in the domain of family, two profiles are distinguished: those of parent and wife. (A metaphorical extension of human family relations is the parent-female profile.) The next domain of the cognitive base is that of time, within which the lexeme mother accesses the profile of age; as well as the domains of sacrum and value. The linguistic image sketched in this paper transmits not only the traditionally fixed cultural pattern but it also takes present-day social realia into consideration as well. The image of mother in the Hungarian language is in general composed of positive associations. It has to be added, however, that the emotional relations concerning mother as described in this paper are less than fully adequate. From the perspective of children, mother can be negatively evaluated, too, as a person with a conservative frame of mind, curbing one's freedom, and forcing young people to follow patterns of behaviour that they no longer accept as appropriate. In the analysis we have used the material of the Hungarian National Text Corpus, the relevant dictionaries and encyclopaedias, as well as proverbs, phraseologisms, religious texts and questionnaire data.
EN
In this paper, the author makes an attempt to reconstruct the linguistic image of the notion denoted by fej 'head' in Hungarian. The analysis is based on the Hungarian National Corpus, relevant dictionaries and encyclopaedias, proverbs, phraseologisms, as well as linguistic data collected from everyday speech. The prototypical features of 'head' yielded the following aspects of description: (1) the situation of the head within the human or animal body (the head is part of the body, hence the word fej activates the whole human/animal body and profiles the body part concerned); (2) the external appearance of a head: its shape and structure (we refrained from a detailed anatomical analysis presupposing a scientific perspective of orientation and restricted our attention to the linguistic image); (3) the function of the head that is categorized, in the most general structure, as activity (a domain from which several subdomains can be derived by concretisation or specification); and (4) ways of conceptualising the notion of 'head'. The analysis provided makes it clear that, in order to reconstruct the linguistic image of the notion of head in Hungarian, a cognitive basis consisting of several domains has to be taken into consideration. The richness and multifariousness of the linguistic material, the multiplicity of polycategorial manners of conceptualisation suggest that the view of the world emerging behind the word fej faithfully reflects the extraordinary significance of that body part in peoples' lives.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present human language - not as a kind of abstract system but as something designed to establish the conditions of human existence. Language cannot exist outside its concrete speakers. Hence, the concept of language as a tool is totally unacceptable. Man is a creature that is naturally determined by language. Language is not some kind of appendage to humans but their constitutive feature, a relevant ingredient to their cognitive apparatus or program. Human language should not be equated with, or sought within, complete utterances that our linguistic mechanism creates. In the author's opinion, the smallest components of language use are fragments of communication. Fragments of communication are indivisible units that can be directly detected in the process of language use and are primary holistic segments of linguistic reality irrespective of their internal structure or schema of production. The internal syntactic, semantic, or morphological structures that can be attributed to them by logico-syntactic or etymological analysis, or indeed the origin of the words making them up, are irrelevant or marginal for everyday language use, even though researchers may take a certain metalinguistic, historical, or intellectual interest in such structures.
EN
Issues of language and culture in the EU exhibit a rather complex pattern and their proper management cannot be conceived of without taking the results of interlinguistic and intercultural research into consideration. EU citizens have to be made ready to confront cultural and civilizational diversity and also to understand that diversity rather than taking it to threaten their national identity. Are educated Hungarians ready to come to grips with linguistic, cultural and civilizational diversity? Are they able to adequately treat and accept such diversity? What are they prepared to do in order to maintain and cultivate their own language, culture, and identity, as well as to hand them down to the next generation? These are the challenges that a nation and a sovereign state necessarily have to face. Hungary, torn out of its former isolation, has suddenly found itself exposed to globalization processes. Linguistics, applied linguistics, language planning and language policy have to deal more and more intensively with the above issues.
EN
The concept of communicative space is rather complex and consists of a number of diverse components. For instance, it includes the topic of a linguistic message, its objective content and genre, together with the common intellectual sphere that the content pertains to. It further involves the innumerable components either directly contained in, or indirectly associated with, the communicative situation, from which the participants form a general map of the situation for themselves. The map of communicative space is created in the speaker's mind out of a huge set of reminiscences that are interacting and blending into one another, activated by the given concrete situation. The listener's case is similar in that he/she is trying to interpret (reconstruct) the content of the message he/she receives and to shape his/her own linguistic behaviour appropriately to the given communicative situation.
EN
In this paper, the author tries to draft a comparison of the main characteristics of the two paradigms of linguistics mentioned in the title. The comparison is based on the following criteria: philosophical foundations, categories, definition of language, synchrony vs. diachrony, semantics and semantic analysis, the interpretation of pragmatics, semantics, and grammar, and the definition of concepts and meaning.
EN
This paper is a sequel to 'The notion of 'language' in actual language use' by the same author (Magyar Nyelvor, 2008/2: 129-150). It constitutes an attempt to describe the real process of language use, albeit in gross terms. The author comes to the conclusion that in that linguistic process, regulated by thinking, the role of primary linguistic units is performed by fragments of communication (FCs). In a speech act, and on the basis of concrete prototypical patterns, FCs can amalgamate into holistic linguistic expressions. FCs and their complexes may elicit various reactions in the mind of the speaker. An expression coming into being via linguistic images and from their amalgamations either undergoes the interpretative operation of thinking, or else thinking is directed at a thought being embodied in the given linguistic expression. In that way, that expression is compared with other FCs and, contributing its own fields of association, widens it own potential, and melts into the conglomerate of linguistic memory.
EN
At the meta-textual level, a primary role among linguistic signals is played by operators that contain the semantic component 'say'. That component is taken by a number of linguists to be a fundamental unit of 'the language of semantics'. As part of the semantic structure of several meta-textual formulae, it conveys statements about the dialogue or about a component of the dialogue such as its topic. The component 'say', at the meta-textual level, is organically associated with the informational field of replies in the first place. The meta-informational items concerned can be classified as follows: (1) ones that appear explicitly in the surface structure of the utterance, and (2) ones that are hidden, in an implicit manner, in the deep structure of the utterance. The first group comprises, in Hungarian, the following items: mond 'say', megmond 'tell', mondjuk 'let's say', mondom neked / nektek 'I tell you', oszinten mondom neked 'I tell you sincerely', azt mondjak 'they say', ahogy mondani szokas 'as the saying goes', kar arrol beszelni 'it's not worth talking about', kar volt ezt megmondanom 'I regret having said that', igazat mondtam 'I told you the truth', koztünk mondva 'just between ourselves', akartam valamit mondani 'I meant to tell you something', mit is akartam mondani? 'what was I going to say?', etc. The second group contains meta-structures that are less obvious since they are elliptic, they involve parts that are omitted from the full expression. For instance: roviden '[I say it] briefly'; roviden es velosen / roviden es tomoren / roviden es vilagosan '[I tell you] briefly, tersely, and clearly'; egyszeruen 'simply' [= 'I will say it in a simpler or shorter form, I will summarise it]; apropo 'apropos' [= 'I will tell you something that pertains to the foregoing and that just occurred to me']; egyebkent / masfelol / zarojelben / mellekesen 'however / on the other hand / besides / by the way' [= 'I will give you information that is loosely connected to the foregoing']; etc.
EN
The stereotype of 'father', analyzed in this paper, is a set of associations that the Hungarian community attributes to this notion and that complement the denotative features of the mental object at hand. The internal taxonomy of the notion under consideration reveals the fact that the meanings constituting its extension are characterized by various degrees of conventionalization. The boundaries are sometimes blurred, and may involve shared domains. It appears that the family profile is the most fully established one in Hungarian. The present paper is based on the material of the Hungarian National Corpus, several Hungarian dictionaries, collections of proverbs and phraseologisms, articles on language cultivation, as well as on linguistic data collected from everyday speech.
EN
Examples from spontaneous speech suggest that conjunctions like 'and', 'but', 'because' may not fulfil their original functions of connecting words, constructions, or clauses; they do not even connect contexts that are situated far from one another: very often, they refer to contexts that are only represented in the operative memory of the information sender or the receiver. The point is that the sequences 'es' ('and'), '(na) es' ('and then'), 'de' ('but'), '(na) de' ('but then'),' mert' ('because') studied in this paper, do not necessarily behave as conjunctions in spontaneous speech but rather they play a meta-textual role and help spoken text production in that way.
EN
Titles may have three different functions. The first one is the nominative function, providing the name of a text. The second one is the descriptive function, referring to the content of the text, hence covering the information contained in the text: presenting meta-information. The third function is a pragmatic one, trying to make a persuasive effect on the receiver. A good title is short, attracts attention, affects emotions, and transmits the content of the text. Thus, titles are minimal meta-texts; but they are also advertisements of the text, a means to catch the reader's eye. Titles of newspaper articles also reveal strategies that are characteristic of the various papers, the various editorial staffs.
EN
Talking about feelings expresses the ways of experiencing emotions - and acting or behaving in accordance with them - that are conventionally associated with them in the given culture. Negative emotions belonging to the domain of fear (alarm, anguish, anxiety, concern, consternation, dread, excitement, fright, horror, panic, scare, shudder, terror, tremble) are often conceptualised in Hungarian as a force paralysing human body, as a container [into which emotions get as a substance (movement in), in which they are contained, and out of which they emerge (movement out)], as a liquid substance, as a gaseous substance, as an enemy, as a dominator (occupier), as an animate being (man, beast, bird), as a building, as a mirror, or as a positive force.
EN
Feelings are phenomena that cannot be expressed linguistically, i.e. in words. Thoughts have structure that can be reconstructed with the help of words; but feelings, by their very nature, do not have structure, hence they are linguistically inexpressible. Despite the fact that we are unable to literally describe what we feel, we can still speak about emotions making extended use of metaphors that 'copy' predefined patterns, conventionalised linguistic forms, units, phraseologisms, etc. In view of the foregoing, the present paper tries to define the fundamental direction of the conceptualisation of positive emotions. The linguistic material shows that, in order to fulfil that task, the following cognitive domains have to be accessed: (1) the domain of SPACE (characterised by the notions MOVEMENT IN, MOVEMENT OUT, MOVEMENT UP and MOVEMENT DOWN); (2) the domain of SEEING; (3) the domain of TEMPERATURE; (4) the domain of PRESSURE; (5) the domain of COLOUR; (5) the domain of OBJECT (i.e., the perception of emotions as pseudo-bodies like OBJECT in general, and its concrete forms like CONTAINER, BUILDING, FOOD, etc.) that is closely related to the domain of SUBSTANCE (occurring either generally or more concretely as WATER, LIQUID, etc.); (7) the domain of LIVING CREATURE (HUMAN BEING, GUEST, ANIMAL); and (8) the domain of POWER.
EN
Attempts at defining 'grammaticality' by stable rules face the problem that the conditions of applying those rules are unstable and changeable. The communicative space that forms the background of linguistic expressions keeps changing as linguistic activity unfolds and that changeability crucially affects the evaluation of any expression that is based on its focusing in the given space. The division of linguistic expressions into correct and incorrect ones on the basis of how they relate to the established rules means that 'ungrammatical' expressions invariably violate some codified constraint. The focusing of linguistic expressions in the communicative space is never stationary, as it has to be adapted to variable circumstances, context, and content, as well as to the variable mental status of the language user.
EN
Due to the integration and globalization processes currently taking place in the world, the problem of intercultural communication commands interest to an increasing extent today. The perspective of a united Europe and the related requirement of a possibly conflict-free establishment of tolerance-based relationships among people make it necessary for us to learn more about the complex issues of the functioning of cultural systems, including the reasons of the emergence and spread of stereotypes, pre- and postjudices. The author gives a brief survey of cognitive and psychological/social functions of stereotypes and points out that they are in a close relationship with the categorization and conceptualization of extralinguistic pieces of information. Those two processes are based on a natural ambition of cultural communities, as well as social and ethnic groups, the aim of which is to keep and assert their own values, habits, world view, mentality, cultural specificity, and national identity. Among other ways, these aims tend to be achieved by seeing other nations in a xenophobic perspective. The author discusses this issue using the material of Hungarian and Polish proverbs and phraseo­logical units. Stereotypes are an integral part of one's linguistic world view, a special way of seeing the world through a linguistic and cultural prism.
EN
In this paper, the author presents dictionary definitions of the notion 'family' and then he analyses the results of a questionnaire survey consisting of 193 positions. The questionnaire contained twelve questions, four of which concerned the age, gender, educational level, and type of domicile of the subjects. The rest of the questions were as follows: 1. What does the word 'family' mean to you? 2. The major characteristics of a family (list as many as you can). 3. What objects do you associate with the family? 4. What is a typical Hungarian family like? 5. What is the ideal family like? 6. What is the family good for? 7. What persons does a family consist of? 8. What songs, proverbs, etc. do you know that refer to the family? It is worth pointing out that the subjects primarily took family members to include father, mother, and child(ren), but they often also mentioned grandparents or all one's relatives, including godparents. Some subjects even listed dogs, cats, and other pets, too. Of the functions of the family, the following were mentioned: (a) nurturing function, (b) nursing function, (c) socio-cultural function, (d) economic function, and (e) biological function. The typical Hungarian family was given an unfavourable description by most subjects. It is worth noting furthermore that when subjects intended to give a definition of 'family', they covered the usual lexico­graphic or encyclopaedic features but they additionally pointed out several novel features that are to be taken as 'necessary' (e.g., 'family' - 'home' ('house')) as they constitute a unified cognitive domain with the other conventional features. Such interpretation of the concept at hand differs from its dictionary definitions that are normally restricted to 'necessary and sufficient' features.
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