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EN
(Title in Polish - 'Problematyka systemu wyborczego do Sejmu i Senatu w programach polskich partii politycznych od Paktu lanckoronskiego do przewrotu majowego'). The electoral system and its impact on political life have taken significant place in public discussion in Poland under the Second Republic. However, there is nothing curious in this, if we take into consideration the fact that its roots go back to the period directly preceding the restitution of the Polish state in November 1918. This practice has been continued in the subsequent years and, in the face of constant cabinet crises, resulted in further debates on this issue. It is evident especially in the years 1923-1926 when the idea of improvement of electoral system was used as a magic charm to institutionally overcome all the troubles faced by Poland. The aim of the article is to present the system of election of the representative bodies contained in the programmes of the most relevant Polish political parties existing in the period between the Lankorona Pact and the May (1926) Coup, including a critical analysis of the proposals of amendment of electoral law formally submitted to the Sejm and Senate of the first term of office. It should be stressed that those proposals, drafted by the Christian-National, Christian-Democratic and Popular-National Union parliamentary groups, irrespective of their rational motivation aimed at strengthening of mechanisms enabling formation of permanent government majority on the basis of programme union, violated basic principles of electoral law enshrined in the March Constitution (1921). A four-year discussion about electoral law has not been translated into a comprehensive, well-thought-out and flawless programme for the improvement of the system of government. It turned out that it is much more easy to make declarations than to implement them. After a military coup carried out by Józef Pilsudski, all of them have lost their importance, as it started a new period in the history of the Second Republic, leading to permanent changes not only in the way of thinking by the Polish people, but also in the field of political rules determining the limits of political life.
EN
The issue of suffrage in the elections to the Legislative Sejm evoked interest in newspapers published at the territory of the renascent Polish State. Both the legislative works were reported, conducted at the order of Chief of State Józef Piłsudski by the government of Jędrzej Morawiecki, and individual legal solutions, included in the electoral ordinance of 28 November 1918, were analyzed. Indubitably, the greatest controversies were raised by the issue of regulating the principle of franchise universality. Ultimately, majority of participants of the discussion — even if they had earlier distanced themselves from the program ideas publicly popularized by Moraczewski and Piłsudski — supported the decision on vesting women with both active and passive suffrage in the elections to the Sejm. An important role in this discussion was played by representatives of women’s organizations. They published articles, where attention was drawn to those aspects of franchise and right to stand for election that had been ignored by participants of the discussion. Thus, a systemic debate initiated at the origins of the Second Republic gained a deeper and innovative character and went down in the history of post-partition independent Poland.
EN
The coup d'état carried out in May 1926 by Joseph Pilsudski proved a significant turning point in the history of the Second Republic, as it put en end to parliamentary turn democracy existing since 1918-1919. The coup affected all elements of political system, including the actions of the Sejm and the Senate of the first term of office, aimed at development of new instruments of electoral law (in relation to representative bodies). It resulted from the general objective of the Pilsudski's camp, i.e. to strengthen the institutions of the executive rather than improve the mechanisms of creation of parliament. In June 1926, many bills have been submitted in the Sejm with the aim of transformation (in part or in the whole) of the principles governing elections of Deputies to the Sejm and Senators. After a discussion lasting several months in parliament no changes in this matter have been enacted. It turned out that none of the proposals submitted by Centre-Right parliamentary groups did not get acceptance from Deputies and Senators. The content of the proposals was too controversial for them to reach a qualified majority of votes in a highly fragmented parliament (which resulted from Pilsudski's actions). It turned out again that it is easier to voice ideas than turn them into action. Thereby, the call for improvement of the system of general elections to the Sejm and Senate, which was one of most important subject of public debate in the 1920s, receded, imperceptibly, into the background. And it was only in 1935 that such improvement was carried out as an element of a wider process of transformation of the system of government, culminating in the adoption of the April Constitution.
EN
The legislative work carried out by the Parliamentary-Constitutional Commission of the Provisional Council of State from February to July 1917 was an important step in the process of establishing the system of government in the lands of the Kingdom of Poland after the outbreak of the World War I. Under the draft constitution of 28 July 1917, whose adoption crowned the first phase of statecreation efforts undertaken by the Parliamentary-Constitutional Commission, Parliament (Sejm) in the reborn Poland had to be composed of two chambers: the House of Deputies (Izba Poselska) and the Senate. Elections to the fi rst chamber, according to the sponsors of the draft, were to be carried out on the basis of four main standards of electoral law: equality, directness, proportionality and secrecy of the ballot. Nevertheless, they decided not to enshrine the principle of universal suffrage in the Constitution. They concluded that active and passive voting rights — in accordance with the practice of nineteenth-century constitutionalism, which emphasized the negative impact of women’s involvement in political activities — should be given only to men. Even more restrictive solutions was introduced in relation to the Senate. Half of its members (to be chosen by way of election) were subject to several electoral qualifi cations, relating not only the realm of sex, but also issues of wealth or education. In analyzing this issue, we must take into account that the application of the above-mentioned decisions, even if not satisfactory to the progressive society, contributed to initiation — for the fi rst time in the twentieth century in the lands of the Kingdom of Poland — an in-depth discussion on the designation of the category of persons entitled to participate in parliamentary elections. In the longer term, their preparation, supported by global democratic changes, accelerated the efforts to equalize the legal status of citizens in the Second Republic of Poland.
XX
The issue of suffrage in the elections to the Legislative Sejm evoked interest in newspapers published at the territory of the renascent Polish State. Both the legislative works were reported, conducted at the order of Chief of State Józef Piłsudski by the government of Jędrzej Morawiecki, and individual legal solutions, included in the electoral ordinance of 28 November 1918, were analyzed. Indubitably, the greatest controversies were raised by the issue of regulating the principle of franchise universality. Ultimately, majority of participants of the discussion — even if they had earlier distanced themselves from the program ideas publicly popularized by Moraczewski and Piłsudski — supported the decision on vesting women with both active and passive suffrage in the elections to the Sejm. An important role in this discussion was played by representatives of women’s organizations. They published articles, where attention was drawn to those aspects of franchise and right to stand for election that had been ignored by participants of the discussion. Thus, a systemic debate initiated at the origins of the Second Republic gained a deeper and innovative character and went down in the history of post-partition independent Poland.
EN
Legislative work carried out from 27 June to 5 September 1918 by the Council of State and the Sejm Committee constituted another step in the process of creating an electoral system for the Sejm on the territories of the Kingdom of Poland occupied by Germany and Austria-Hungary during the First World War. In the course of the legislative procedure aimed at fi nding a comprehensive settlement of this problem, the councilors considered both procedural and substantive issues. Nevertheless, the actions taken by them in relation to this aspect of the reform of the system of government, despite the demonstrated commitment of the Polish state reviving under the auspices of the Central Powers, were not crowned with the passage of a parliamentary electoral law. This was the consequence of the position taken by the Regency Council whose members, in the face of rapidly growing international developments in the autumn of 1918, wanted to concentrate power in the Kingdom of Poland in their hands and fi rst suspended the debates of that body and, then, dissolved it on 7 October.
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