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Studia BAS
|
2020
|
issue 2(62)
129-142
EN
The aim of this paper is to discuss intergenerational mobility in Poland. Main attention is given to subjective perception of social mobility. The author is interested in how individuals perceive, explain and assess their social position and trajectory, and thereby how dynamics of social structure is intertwined with personal experience. She discusses social mobility in terms of objective measures and categories, with particular focus on comparison between respondents’ social status and their fathers’ status, and thereafter compares it with subjective perception of upward or downward social mobility. The analysis is based on three waves of POLPAN survey (1988, 2013, 2018), an academic research project conducted by the Polish Academy of Sciences.
PL
W pierwszej części artykułu – wbrew hipotezie „o śmierci klas” – argumentujemy na rzecz tezy o ważności klas społecznych. Po 1945 roku klasy społeczne w Polsce stały się całościami wewnętrznie zróżnicowanymi ze względu na podstawowe zasoby jednostki – formalne wykształcenie, pozycję zawodową i dochody z pracy, a także ze względu na postawy wobec siebie i społeczeństwa. Odnosząc się do danych historycznych, wykazujemy, że w czasach realnego socjalizmu struktura klasowa – wyjąwszy nomenklaturę – była względnie egalitarna. Przedstawione analizy opierają się na danych z Polskiego Badania Panelowego, który to panel jest projektem realizowanym w pięcioletnich odstępach, począwszy od roku 1988. W artykule wykazujemy, że pod względem ogólnej pozycji społecznej – mierzonej poziomem wykształcenia, statusem społeczno-zawodowym i dochodami z pracy – klasy społeczne ulegają polaryzacji. Okazuje się także, iż zwycięzcy postkomunistycznej transformacji, a więc przedsiębiorcy, menedżerowie i specjaliści przejawiają silniejsze postawy prorynkowe i prodemokratyczne niż czynią to pozostałe klasy, a zwłaszcza niewykwalifikowani robotnicy i rolnicy.
EN
In the introductory part of this paper we argue against the “death of class” hypothesis. Since 1945 in Poland social classes have been entities clearly stratified according to the basic individuals’ resources – such as formal education, occupational rank, and job income – and general attitudes toward self and society. Using historical data, we show that during the “real existing socialism” class structure was relatively egalitarian, with exception of the nomeklatura positions. Our own main empirical analysis is based on the data from the Polish Panel Survey POLPAN, a study conducted every five year since 1989. We demonstrate that social classes become more polarized with respect to general social stratification position measured by education, occupational status and income. We also find that winners of the post-communist transformation – employers, managers, and professionals – reveal stronger pro-market and pro-democracy stances than other social classes, with unskilled factory workers and farmers as most apparent opposite groups.
EN
The Matthew effect, considered in the broad context of a whole society, implies that increasing social inequality results from the accumulation of advantages provided by wealth and by the amassing of disadvantages associated with poverty. We formulate a hypothesis according to which the Matthew effect manifests itself in the polarization of opposite social classes even if the adaptive abilities of people belonging to different classes are controlled. The test of this hypothesis is primarily based on data drawn from the Polish Panel Survey (POLPAN), a survey in which respondents from a national sample were interviewed in 1988, 1993, 1998, and 2003. Additional data were obtained from surveys conducted in 1978 and 2006. All these data show that (a) during the last decade of the communist regime in Poland, the level of income inequality was relatively low and stable; (b) the change in the class structure occurring between 1989 and 1993 resulted in the rapid growth of social inequality, and (c) inequality increased up to 2006. The hypothesis stating that income inequality is rooted in the class structure, independently of people’s adaptive abilities, is fully supported. Theoretical and practical implications of results supporting our hypothesis are also discussed.
EN
This paper builds on the work of Słomczyn´ski and Janicka (2005) and examines changes in the social structure in Poland, and the role of social classes on public opinion formation. The main hypothesis is that the divide between winners and losers crystallizes over time, as the social distance that separates these categories solidifies, and their reaction to economic and political transformation becomes increasingly divergent. Using data from the Polish panel survey POLPAN, conducted in 1988, 1993, 1998 and 2003, we find that the main changes in the class structure in Poland occurred between 1988 and 1993. Following 1993, the patterns of the post-communist social structure start to settle, becoming, by 2003, typical of a capitalist society. Results further show substantial and significant differences between the privileged and the disadvantaged in evaluation of socialism, as well as in their subjective assessment of changes in life, and active and passive support for the institution of elections.
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