Search results

1

Portret Augusta u Malalasa

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Kokoszko M., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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1993

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vol. 48

EN

John Malalas was one of the most famous Byzantine chroniclers. He was bom in Antioch in the 90s of the Vth and died in the 70s of the VIth century, in Constantinopole. He inserted into the work a series of literary portraits referring to emminent personages. The descriptions are deeply rooted in the Greek and Roman literary tradition. There is an easily discernible chain of renowned Greek and Roman authors who predcessed Malalas in the field. The art of description in antiquity was extensively influenced by the science of physiognomies. Consequently, vast majority of literary portraits we encounter in the ancient times bear visible signs of physiognomical impact. The authors dealing with the subject of physiognomies are Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, Vitruvius, Lucian, Dio Chrysostomus, Galen, Clements, Tertuliian and numerous others. They make up a link between antiquity and Byzantine times. Through them the knowledge of physiohnomics infiltrated the work by Malalas. The aim of the writer (on the basis of physiognomical analysis) was to chracterise the emperor Augustus. The image proves to be very favourable. The general aim of the chronographer was to corroborate the image of imperial power by means of physiognomical lore. Additionally, the description is very close to the image provided by other sources (both literary and iconographie).

2

Prokopiusz z Cezarei, „O budowlach”, przełożył, wstępem, objaśnieniami i komentarzem opatrzył Piotr Łukasz Grotowski, Prószyński i S-ka, Warszawa 2006, ss. 408

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Kokoszko M., Łódzki U.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2008

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vol. 7

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issue 1

3

Krótki komentarz do kilku terminów urobionych od rzeczownika „karyke” (ĸαρύκη)

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Kokoszko M., Łódzki U.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2008

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vol. 7

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issue 1

EN

The present article discusses meanings of a number of terms which were coined in antiquity and still used in Byzantium, and which originated with the name of a famous delicacy called karyke. The author comes to the conclusion that the terms were only loosely connected with the delicacy itself and were used to denote the general activity of preparing foods, and especially to the process of spicing. The majority of usages of the analyzed verbs suggest that there was a prevalent tendency to use the terms figuratively, and thereby the verbs lost their direct connection with the mere subject of Greek cuisine.

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Kilka słów o roli rekinów, galeoi (γαλεσί), w kuchni greckiej antyku i wczesnego Bizancjum

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Kokoszko M., Łódzki U.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2009

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vol. 8

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issue 1

PL

Artykuł opracowany w związku z grantem NN 108 269 333.

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Mirosław J. Leszka, Symeon I Wielki a Bizancjum. Z dziejów stosunków buł- garsko-bizantyńskich w latach 893–927, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Łódź 2013, ss. 368 [=Byzantina Lodziensia XV]

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Kokoszko M., Uniwersytet Łódzki W. F.-H.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2014

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vol. 13

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issue 1

6

Kanon portretowania w historiografii bizantyńskiej na przykładzie portretu Boemunda w Aleksjadzie Anny Komneny

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Kokoszko M., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2000

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vol. 67

EN

Anna Komnena (1083—1153/1154), the daughter of emperor Alexios I, was involved in the most important political events of her father’s reign. Not only could she witness the developments of her lifetime, but she also managed to put her brand on her father’s and brother’s policy. That is why she gained excellent competence both in political and religious developments of the time. Her superb education contributed to an exceptionally high merit of the work she wrote. One of the most critical problems Alexios I had to face was the Norman expansion, which during his reign assumed a form of continual wars waged by the Empire, first against Robert Guiscard, and later his son, Boemund. The emperor did not succeed in eliminating the Norman danger because he was also forced to combat numerous incursions of the Turks. Anna Komnena included in her work a number of literary portraits. One of them describes Boemund. The description matched against the descriptions of emperors Alexios I and John I as well as Boemund’s father, Robert Guiscard, proved to imitate physiognomical rules. Since the portrait of Boemund includes a cornucopia of elements which draw an analogy to other Byzantine literary portraits, it is highly likely that there existed a canon of description that was employed in historical works. It mostly applied to imperial portraits, however, the example of the Alexias proves that it could also have been utilised in the description of other exceptional characters. The Alexias also bears out the existence of a dichotomy between the schema of description of bad and good emperors. In Anna’s work it is clearly visible in the descriptive manner she adopted, on the one hand, in the portraits of Alexios, Robert and Boemund and, on the other hand, in the description of infant John, later emperor John I. Anna Komnena’s work is also another proof of popularity of physiognomical knowledge in Byzantium. It is worth noticing that she makes a reference to the most celebrated figure in the field of physiognomy, namely Polemo of Laodicea.

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Heroic Portraits in the Fifth Book of John Malalas’ Chronicle

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Kokoszko M., Łódzki U.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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1996

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vol. 56

PL

Artykuł rekonstruuje pierwotną liczbę, kolejność i treść literackich portretów odmalowujących bohaterów greckich i trojańskich. A uto r szuka genezy portretów w bizantyńskiej wersji Ephemeris belli troiani autorstwa Diktysa z Krety. Następnie przeprowadza polemikę z tezami Fürst’a (Untersuchungen zur Ephemeris des Dikiys von Kreta, „Philologus” 1902, Bd. 61, s. 374-440), który twierdził, że kompozycja portretów Diktysa/Malalasa wywodzi się z tradycji prawnej hellenistycznego Egiptu. Autor artykułu dochodzi do wniosku, że zasady kompozycji portretów literackich Malalasa mają korzenie w greckiej tradycji literackiej, a szczególnie w dorobku Perypatu. Następnie uwypukla rolę fizjonomiki w kształtowaniu się portretów heroicznych zawartych w piątej księdze Kroniki Malalasa. W końcowej części pracy autor artykułu przeprowadza fizjonomiczną analizę literackich wizerunków bohaterów greckich i trojańskich. Na podstawie jej wyników dochodzi do wniosku, że zostały one oparte na schematach obrazujących kanon urody męskiej (oddawany przez symbol lwa) i kobiecej (oddawany przez symbol pantery). Oba te schematy zostały uzupełnione przez wprowadzenie do portretów elementów ideału urody greckiej oraz całego szeregu innych motywów fizjonomicznych.

8

Galaktologia terapeutyczna (γαλακτολογία ἰατρική) Galena zawarta w "De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis ac facultatibus"

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Kokoszko M., Uniwersytet Łódzki W. F.-H.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2015

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vol. 14

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issue 2

EN

The present article concerns medical galactology, i.e. the ancient knowledge of milk, galaktología iatriké (γαλακτολογία ἰατρική), and is mainly based on an analysis of select works composed by Galen. The main goal of the research was to establish sources, contents and transmission of the Pergamene’s doctrines on milk included in his "De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis ac facultatibus", and subsequently to show parallels of the narrative therein to the contents of "De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos". The author of the article concludes that the analyzed material shows that Greek galactology was treated as an important branch of medical knowledge and milk played a considerable role in medical procedures (i.e. found itself present in medicinal diets, was prescribed as a simple medicine, and could be included in a large number of the recipes of compound medicaments). He claims that, in the IInd, the galactological theory was already well-developed and internally cohesive (as a result there are no doctrinal differences in the output of the most important authors contributing to its creation) and therefore not questioned. As for details the researchers opines that the form of the theory developed in the time of Galen appears to be a combination of the earlier teachings of Dioscurides and Ruphus of Ephesus with the Pergamene’s own doctrine based on his practical experience. It was later passed over in an unaltered form to the later medical generations (which is easily detectable in the writings by Oribasius, Aetius of Amida and Paul of Aegina).

9

Kuchnia i dietetyka późnego antyku oraz Bizancjum. Kilka uwag na temat spożycia, sporządzania, przyrządzania, wartości dietetycznych i zastosowań medycznych konserw rybnych w antycznej i bizantyńskiej literaturze greckiej

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Kokoszko M., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2005

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vol. 80

PL

Rozważania na temat konserw rybnych, określanych jako tarichos, zajęły poczesne miejsce w dziełach wielu autorów greckich, w tym także w dorobku literackim Atenajosa z Naukratis, Galena, Orybazjusza, Aecjusza z Amidy, Pawła z Eginy i wielu innych. Choć pozornie wiemy o tych przetworach dużo, w rzeczywistości jest wiele niejasności, które w znaczny sposób utrudniają nam zrozumienie roli przetworów rybnych w diecie, kuchni i medycynie okresu antycznego oraz bizantyńskiego.

EN

Although one can venture common sense remarks on the subject of fish preserve consumption, available literary data make any assessment the role of fish preserves in the late antique and Byzantine diet virtually impossible. It can be only inferred that such food was generally considered to be a delicacy and was eaten by the reach. The less affluent could taste it only on special, festive occasions, but such instances were rather far and few between. It appears that fish preserves constituted no staple food whatsoever. moment of their compilation. The Deipnosophists draw on information form the time of Homer on, however, they hardly ever make use of the data chronologically close to the III-rd century AD. Galen relies on Philotimus, Oribasius on Galen or Xenocrates, while Aetius of Amida and Paul of Aegina borrow their doctrines from Oribasius. The data cannot be rectified on the basis of Byzantine lexica due to the dependence of Hesychios and the Book of Suda on ancient tradition, which is, to make it worse, related to the scope of information preserved in, on the one hand, the Deipnosophists, and on the other, the Geoponics. Consequently, the sources represent a fairly homogenous tradition which cannot not be used directly to draw unequivocal conclusions applicable to late Antiquity and Byzantium. The sources give no detailed information on the way fish preserves were produced. Consequently, there is no precise evidence concerning the technology of production. Available information is general and of a limited value. The main source of data are medical treatises. Their authors claim that fish preserves were manufactured mainly from large fish and that it was salt which was made use of to prevent the meat from decoy. There were a number of varieties of fish preserves which differed in their qualities. However, it seems that generally they tended to include some amount of liquid. These characteristics are reflected in numerous descriptions of waterproof containers in which the salt fish products were preserved. Once the salt fish was taken from the brine, it was soaked in water. When salt was removed form the product, the meat could become the main ingredient of a number of dishes. Greek sources testify to all main techniques of preparing the meat. It could be cooked, grilled or stewed. There is no reliable description of the first method. Nonetheless, it can be suggested that the fish was cooked is salty water, which could also contain some extra ingredients, notably, fresh or dry herbs (fennel or leek) and olive oil. Meat was also grilled on the eschara. The meat prepared in the above specified ways was served with mustard, fresh herbs (mainly oregano) or with sauces, the recipes of which have been preserved in the De re coquinaria. Ancient and Byzantine cooks also stewed the meat, usually with some vegetables (for instance, asparagus) or fruit (for instance, wild water melon). All salt fish dishes were accompanied mainly with bread and sometimes with fresh raw vegetable salads or lentil soup. Dieticians considered salt fish a valuable kind of food. It was regarded as relatively nutritious, contributing to digestion, though of a questionable aroma. It tended to dilute thick humours and was characteristic of desiccating qualities. The last two characteristics were discussed at length in medical treatises and widely profited from by ancient and Byzantine medical doctors while prescribing diets and preparing numerous medicines. Salt meat was recommended to prevent results of the existence of unwanted humours in the body and used to cure ulcers, sores and irritations of various kinds.

10

Woda, wino i tak dalej, czyli o napojach i trunkach w Konstantynopolu

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Kokoszko M., Jagusiak K., Łódzki U.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2010

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vol. 9

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issue 1

EN

The present article analyses the role of selected beverages in the diet of the inhabitants of the city of Constantinople between the IV and VII centuries AD. It concentrates mainly on water, phouska, wine and beer as they are pictured in medical (Dioscurides, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Anthimus and Paul of Aegina), culinary (De re coquinaria), agronomical (Geoponica) and other genres of literature (Athenaeus of Naucratis and patristic writings) of late antiquity and early Byzantium.

11

Malábathron (μαλάβαθρον). Kilka uwag o roli Cinnamomum tamala w medycynie i w kuchni antyku i Bizancjum między I a VII wiekiem

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Kokoszko M., Rzeźnicka Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki W. F.-H.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2016

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vol. 15

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issue 1

PL

Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy historii i zastosowania cynamonowca tamala, zwanego po grecku malábathron (μαλάβαθρον), a po łacinie określanego terminem malabathrum (lub malobathrum). Autorzy, na podstawie greckich tekstów medycznych i wybranych źródeł łacińskich, próbują odpowiedzieć na pytanie, kiedy przyprawa ta pojawiła się w świecie śródziemnomorskim, a nadto starają się ustalić jej zastosowanie w medycynie i sztuce kulinarnej. Jednocześnie podejmują się określenia znaczenia terminu folium, występującego w niektórych przepisach kulinarnych, zawartych w łacińskiej książce kucharskiej zatytułowanej O sztuce kulinarnej. Badacze dochodzą do wniosku, że historia opisywanej przyprawy stanowi doskonały przykład globalizacji antycznego i bizantyńskiego handlu. Mimo że brakuje dowodów, iż cynamonowiec tamala był masowo importowany na tereny leżące w basenie Morza Śródziemnego, to nie ulega wątpliwości, że był on wykorzystywany w medycynie (także w kosmetologii) i gastronomii analizowanego okresu. Autorzy ustalają, że największy wzrost zainteresowania malábathron przypadł na I w. p.n.e., co wiążą z rzymskimi podbojami na Bliskim Wschodzie oraz przyłączeniem Egiptu (które to tereny były głównymi punktami na szlaku handlowym, którym cynamonowiec tamala był transportowany). Analiza źródeł medycznych dowodzi, że dietetyczno-farmakologiczna charakterystyka opisywanej przyprawy została ukształtowana jeszcze przed I w., a w dość rozbudowanej formie utrwalił ją Dioskuridesa w traktacie De materia medica. Następnie jego ustalenia zostały uzupełnione przez Galena, a te z kolei zostały przejęte przez kolejne pokolenia bizantyńskich medyków działających do VII w. Ponieważ cynamonowiec tamala był drogim, importowanym z odległych krajów produktem, nigdy nie stał się ani powszechnym składnikiem farmaceutyków, ani też codzienną ingrediencją potraw. Mimo to analiza traktatów lekarskich poświadcza jego nieprzerwane użycie do czasów działalności Pawła z Eginy (jednak farmaceutyki, których stanowił komponent, przeznaczone były dla zamożnych pacjentów). Z kolei zgłębiając zagadnienie gastronomicznego wykorzystania malábathron, na podstawie wybranych greckojęzycznych tekstów medycznych, autorzy artykułu dochodzą do wniosku, że występujący w dziełku O sztuce kulinarnej termin folium odnosi się właśnie do cynamonowca tamala.

EN

The present study deals with the history and applications of one of the spices, called in Greek malábathron (μαλάβαθρον) and malabathrum (or malobathrum) in Latin. It is nowadays called tejpat or tejpata. The researchers try to establish the time when it appeared in the Mediterranean and subsequently identify its medical and culinary uses, which were noted in Latin texts and first and foremost in Greek medical sources. On the way the authors of the study attempt to pinpoint the meaning of the term folium used in some recipes included in the collection entitled De re coquinaria. The researchers conclude that the history of the spice is an excellent example of globalization of ancient and early Byzantine trade. Though there is no argument for mass import of cinnamomum tamala to the Mediterranean, the spice had a tangible effect on medicine (including cosmetology) and culinary art over all centuries in interest of the article. The authors admit a failure in their attempt to pinpoint the exact moment since when the aromatic leafage of cinnamomum tamala started to be transported to reach the territories, where centres of the Mediterranean civilization were blossoming. On the other hand, they prove that a major growth in the interest in the plant dates back to the 1st c. BC., and they surmise that it might have occurred in the wake of the Roman conquest of the near East and incorporation of Egypt (which were both important points on the malábathron trade route). Anyway, the dietetic- pharmacological doctrine on the characteristics of the plant had been shaped to a commonly accepted form well before the 1st century. Subsequently (and for the first time in the extant sources) it was penned by Dioscurides in his De materia medica. The theory, after being supplemented with Galen’s findings became the cornerstone of medical deliberations on the spice composed up to the 7th century. Malábathron never became a common medicine nor a cheap culinary ingredient. The fact that it was imported from far away (precisely from China, via India, to Syria and Egypt, wherefrom it was later transported to the northern shores of the Mediterranean Sea) contributed to its high price, which limited the number of its buyers and consumers. As for medicine, medical treatises suggest an unbroken use of the spice up until the time of Paul’s of Aegina medical encyclopedia (however, exclusively as a condiment utilized in medicines produced for the upper classes of society). In turn, the recipe given by Anthimus prove that cinnamonum tamala was profited from by Roman and Greek cooks, and that a taste for it developed even such barbarian as the Francs. As for the presence of malábathron-including recipes in De re coquinaria, having analyzed select Greek medical texts, the authors of the article came to the opinion that the term folium (with no adjective nor an adjectival phrase) used in the collection refers only and exclusively to cinnamomum tamala. Thereby, they support Andrew Dalby’s opinion on the subject.

12

Życie i kariera Orybazjusza w świetle relacji źródłowych

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Kokoszko M., Jagusiak K., Katedra Historii Bizancjum W. F.-H.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2011

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vol. 10

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issue 1

EN

The article makes an attempt at summarizing the present research in the life and career of Oribasius. The authors are in favour of the view that Oribasius was a native of Pergamum in Asia Minor. He was born in a well-off, most probably pagan, family and appears to have been first educated in the city of his birth. The cultural tradition of Pergamum and especially its renown as a centre of medicine must have had a considerable influence upon his future profession. Having completed the first stage of education, the young men left Asia Minor for Alexandria, which at that time still was the most important centre of medical science. There he studied under Zeno of Cyprus, a famous iatrosophist of that time. In the year 355 he had been already a good acquaintance of the future em-peror Julian and after the latter’s elevation to the position of caesar, Oribasius accompanied Julian to Gaul, where he was one of the closest friends of that member of the imperial family. We know that he was in charge of Julian’s library and presumably took care of the caesar’s health. The doctor’s political influence is hard to precise but Oribasius is alleged to have played an undefined but im-portant role in Julian’s usurpation. Later on he accompanied the rebel on his campaign against the legitimate ruler. When Julian took over the rule over the empire, Oribasius was also at his side. Some sources claim that he was even made quaestor at Constantinople. Subsequently, he left the capital, moved with the young emperor to Antioch and followed the ruler on his campaign against Persia. When Julian was fatally wounded, first he tried to save his life and then was present at the young ruler’s death-bed. Some time after Julian’s demise, he was exiled from the empire. He stayed for an unspecified time among the barbarians, managing to win their favour due to his competence in the area of medicine. He was called back by emperor Valens or Theodosius and allowed to settle down in Constantinople. Later on his proper-ty was also restored to him. Eunapius of Sardes, his biographer, informs us that he married a rich Constantinopolitan lady and fathered four children. He passed away at the very end of the IV th or at the beginning of the next century. Though little can be said about new theories or methods introduced by Ori-basius in the area of medical science, the doctor earned his name as one of the most appreciated medical writers of Antiquity and Byzantium. He was prolific enough to write a voluminous work in seventy books, another one in nine books dedicated to his son Eustathius, a medical encyclopaedia in four books for his biographer Eunapius and a shorter treatise which is no longer extant. Additionally, he authored memoires describing important political developments he participated in. The extant medical works prove Oribasius’ considerable learning, display very clear organization and practicality, i.e. the features which contributed to the popularity of the doctor’s writings in late Antiquity, Byzantium as well as later on.

13

Dietetyka w De re coquinaria

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Kokoszko M., Rzeźnicka Z., Katedra Historii Bizancjum W. F.-H.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2011

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vol. 10

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issue 2

EN

The article tries to demonstrate connections of De re coquinaria with the re-sults of the ancient and Byzantine research into dietetics. First, the authors present an overview of the established doctrines on the role of food in preserving human health. They resort to the Hippocratic and Galenic teachings, as well as exemplifying the presence of the dietetic knowledge in the literature of Antiquity and Byzantium (first and foremost in Deipnosophists by Atenaeus of Naucrats, De observatione ciborum by Anthimus and in Geoponica). Subsequently, they analyze select fragments from De coquinaria (i.e. the recipes for sauces [oxyporum, oxygarum digesti bile, oenogarum], flavoured salts, sales conditi, spiced wine, conditum paradoxum, honey wine, conditum melizomum viatorum, Roman absinth, absintium Romanum, rose wine, rosatum, vegetable purée, pulmentarium, the soups called tisana vel sucus and tisana barrica, and finally the commentary on nettles) , and show their analogies to the doctrines present in medical writings (mostly to those by Galen, Orybasius and Aetius of Amida).

14

„Apicius. A critical edition with an introduction and an English translation of the Latin recipe text Apicius”, eds. Christopher Grocock and Sally Grainger, Prospect Books, Blackawton, Totnes, Devon 2006, ss. 414

63%

Kokoszko M., Gibel K., Łódzki U.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2009

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vol. 8

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issue 1

15

Zboża Bizancjum. Kilka uwag na temat roli produktów zbożowych na podstawie źródeł greckich

63%

Kokoszko M., Jagusiak K., Łódzki U.

Zeszyty Wiejskie

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2012

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vol. 17

EN

The present article researches into the wide variety of cereal products available on the market of Byzantium, and especially in its capital, namely the city Constantinople, in the late antique and early Byzantine period. The authors try to outline the most popular cereal foods (concentrating on wheat and barley products) and establish their dietetic evaluation present in the writings of Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Anthimus and others dieticians who formulated doctrines accepted in Byzantium. They also make use of dietetic treatises to retrieve basic information on the culinary art of the period between the IVth and VIIth centuries.

16

Rola roślin strączkowych (ospria) w diecie późnego antyku i wczesnego Bizancjum (IV–VII w.) na podstawie wybranych źródeł

63%

Kokoszko M., Erlich Ł., Łódzki U.

Zeszyty Wiejskie

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2012

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vol. 17

EN

Legumes were one of staple foods of antiquity and Byzantium. They appear to have been definitely less favored that grain but at the same more available to the Byzantines in terms of their price. The present text tries to analyze the corpus of data on the topic inserted in medical writings (mostly authored by Dioscurides, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Paul of Aegina) and culinary treatises (De re coquinaria and De observatione cibroum) in order to present both culinary methods employed in processing and preparation of the foodstuff in question as well as demonstrating pertaining dietetic theories which were in force between the IVth and the VIIth centuries.

17

Zastosowanie kulinarne i medyczne pokrzywy w wybranych źródłach antycznych i bizantyńskich

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Rzeźnicka Z., Kokoszko M., Uniwersytet Łódzki K. H. B., Uniwersytet Łódzki K. H. B.

Zeszyty Wiejskie

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2013

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vol. 18

EN

The article deals with the culinary and medical usage of nettle in the light of selected ancient and Byzantine sources. Although nettle, especially young, was said to be a wholesome snack, in ancient Greece and Rome it was mainly eaten by the poor. According to recipes collected in De re coquinaria it could be served as a kind of casserole called patina. Probably it could also be an ingredient of wild vegetable salad. But first of all Greek and Byzantine physicians: Dioscurides, Galen and Aetius of Amida used its leaves, root and seeds in medical treatment. They knew two species of nettles: akalefe (¢kal»fh) and knide (kn…dh). Both were used as medicine for gynaecology and dermatology diseases likewise in curing illnesses of respiratory and digestive system. Many of the medical properties of this herb were known to Pliny the Elder. In Natural History he included among the nettle Lamium album. In his opinion it was an effective medicine for bruises, burns, dislocations, wounds etc.

18

Ryż jako pokarm i medykament w antycznej i bizantyńskiej literaturze medycznej

51%

Kokoszko M., Jagusiak K., Rzeźnicka Z., Łódzki U.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2013

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vol. 12

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issue 1

EN

The article discusses dietetic qualities of rice, its therapeutic applications and culinary recipes pertaining to the preparation of the cereal as described in ancient and Byzantine medical sources composed between I and VII c. AD (i.e. in the writings of Dioscurides, Galen, Oribasius, Anthimus, Alexander of Tralles, Aetius of Amida and Paul of Aegina). Although focused on the time span specified above, the authors of the study also make use of additional information present in the later literary medial tradition, composed as late as XI c. (up to the time of the compilation of Symeon Seths’s Syntagma de alimentorum facultatibus). The evidence also includes purely culinary sources, i.e. De re coquinaria attributed to Apicius. The article consists of three parts. The first chapter of the study is devoted to dietetic characterizations of rice and enlists features attributed to it over the ages. Accordingly, the authors maintain that the cereal is usually said to be hard to digest, not nourishing, astringent as well as slowing down the work of the alimentary tract (possibly leading even to constipation). The above-mentioned features were consistently made use of in ancient and Byzantine medical procedures. The second part of the study tries to retrieve from medical and culinary writings main culinary guidelines according to which rice was prepared as food. The authors conclude that, as a rule, the cereal was not used for bread baking, though it is likely that it was utilized in preparing cakes. Rice usually was the basis for preparation thick, gruel-like dishes which were normally compared to chondros or poltos, less thick soups which were said to be similar to ptisane, and watery, thin concoctions called chyloi, created by diluting rice stock. The cereal was usually cooked in meat stocks and sometimes in milk (the sources maintain that in this way rice improved the dietetic characteristic of milk by means of reducing its flatulence, preventing it from affecting the liver as well as counteracting stone formation in the bladder). The third chapter enumerates medical procedures which included rice and rice products. It is interesting that especially ample information on the subject comes from the VIth century, which could testify to a considerable popularity of rice in the field of medicine long before the time when it was finally introduced as a Mediterranean crop by the Arabs. Rice (due to its astringency) was mainly used to prepare enemas, which were in turn supposed to cure dysentery and other ailments resulting in excessive excretion of fluids of the body. It was also utilized to reduce swellings and cure gout, put and end to hemorrhages, and employed in medicaments removing unwanted hair and skin irritations. Last but not leas it was recommended in multiple diets usually prescribed by the doctors to those suffering from gastric problems.

19

Kilka słów o zupie zwanej ptisane

51%

Kokoszko M., Jagusiak K., Rzeźnicka Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki K. H. B., Uniwersytet Łódzki K. H. B., Uniwersytet Łódzki K. H. B.

Zeszyty Wiejskie

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2013

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vol. 18

EN

The present article is to report Galen’s main points introduced by that eminent ancient physician in his treatise De ptisana. His teaching is compared with the expertise of select ancient (the anonymous author of De diaeta in morbis acutis) authorities, who preceded Galen, and Byzantine doctors (Oribasius, Alexander of Tralles, Aetius of Amida, Anthimus and Paul of Aegina), who followed in Galen’s doctrinal footsteps. Additionally, the medical material is set aside culinary data taken from De re coquinaria. The collected information show proximity between culinary and medical knowledge of Antiquity and Byzantium.

20

Tajemnicza roślina kinara, a zatem o antycznych karczochach i kardach

51%

Kokoszko M., Jagusiak K., Rzeźnicka Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Zeszyty Wiejskie

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2014

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vol. 19

EN

The article focuses of the history, dietetic, culinary and medical applications of the plant which was called kínara in Greek. The analyzed data suggest that the above-mentioned edible was a wild-growing thistle classified by ancient scholarship as a vegetable belonging in the class of akanthóde, i.e. thorny plants. Usually it was eaten by rural population, profited from especially in the time of hunger as emergency food (and that is why it was salted to provide supply kept to meet such hardships) but our sources also indicate that it was a gourmet’s choice (which is attested to by recipes in De re coquinaria). It was not highly evaluated by ancient and early Byzantine dietetics (from Galen of Paul of Aegina) and played a marginal role as medication. The plant was domesticated as late as between the IXth and the XIth century by Arab gardeners to evolve into the modern day artichokes and cards.

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Portret Augusta u Malalasa

Prokopiusz z Cezarei, „O budowlach”, przełożył, wstępem, objaśnieniami i komentarzem opatrzył Piotr Łukasz Grotowski, Prószyński i S-ka, Warszawa 2006, ss. 408

Krótki komentarz do kilku terminów urobionych od rzeczownika „karyke” (ĸαρύκη)

Kilka słów o roli rekinów, galeoi (γαλεσί), w kuchni greckiej antyku i wczesnego Bizancjum

Mirosław J. Leszka, Symeon I Wielki a Bizancjum. Z dziejów stosunków buł- garsko-bizantyńskich w latach 893–927, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Łódź 2013, ss. 368 [=Byzantina Lodziensia XV]

Kanon portretowania w historiografii bizantyńskiej na przykładzie portretu Boemunda w Aleksjadzie Anny Komneny

Heroic Portraits in the Fifth Book of John Malalas’ Chronicle

Galaktologia terapeutyczna (γαλακτολογία ἰατρική) Galena zawarta w "De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis ac facultatibus"

Kuchnia i dietetyka późnego antyku oraz Bizancjum. Kilka uwag na temat spożycia, sporządzania, przyrządzania, wartości dietetycznych i zastosowań medycznych konserw rybnych w antycznej i bizantyńskiej literaturze greckiej

Woda, wino i tak dalej, czyli o napojach i trunkach w Konstantynopolu

Malábathron (μαλάβαθρον). Kilka uwag o roli Cinnamomum tamala w medycynie i w kuchni antyku i Bizancjum między I a VII wiekiem

Życie i kariera Orybazjusza w świetle relacji źródłowych

Dietetyka w De re coquinaria

„Apicius. A critical edition with an introduction and an English translation of the Latin recipe text Apicius”, eds. Christopher Grocock and Sally Grainger, Prospect Books, Blackawton, Totnes, Devon 2006, ss. 414

Zboża Bizancjum. Kilka uwag na temat roli produktów zbożowych na podstawie źródeł greckich

Rola roślin strączkowych (ospria) w diecie późnego antyku i wczesnego Bizancjum (IV–VII w.) na podstawie wybranych źródeł

Zastosowanie kulinarne i medyczne pokrzywy w wybranych źródłach antycznych i bizantyńskich

Ryż jako pokarm i medykament w antycznej i bizantyńskiej literaturze medycznej

Kilka słów o zupie zwanej ptisane

Tajemnicza roślina kinara, a zatem o antycznych karczochach i kardach