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PL
Artykuł jest rezultatem szerszych badań nad stosunkiem do symboli upadłej dyktatury, pozostających w przestrzeni publicznej po wprowadzeniu demokracji. Na podstawie szerokiej kwerendy przypadków rozmaitego traktowania takich pamiątek przeszłości w postkomunistycznej Polsce, wyselekcjonowane zostały te najlepiej oddające rozmaite aspekty tego zjawiska. Posłużyły one wskazaniu typów działań zachodzących wokół pomników oraz rodzajów aktorów politycznych angażujących się w ten proces. Tekst stanowi element badań empirycznych prowadzonych w ujęciu międzynarodowym, których ostatecznym celem jest usystematyzowanie tego tematu i jego syntetyczne, komparatystyczne opracowanie
EN
The following paper is the result of broader investigation regarding the attitude towards past dictatorship symbols which remain in the public sphere even after the democratic transition. Based on a wide query of a variety of case studies regarding different postures towards particular relics of the past in post-communist Poland, I selected those best reflecting various aspects of the subject. They have been used to indicate the types of actions that refer to the topic, as well as political actors involved in the process. The article constitutes a part of empirical research conducted in an international context whose eventual goal is to systematize the subject and to elaborate on its comparative synthesis
EN
In the age of the division, the authorities of both German states shaped their own official historical narratives. The German Democratic Republic, despite being a communist state, also formed its own narrative, which shaped the national identity of its citizens using particular sites of memory. Those sites were largely erased after the unification, when the Western historical narrative became the dominant one. It did not necessarily result in the creation of a universal national identity. The citizens of the former GDR, feeling that their own identity was endangered, appeared to be prone to the populist messages, which referred to the narratives they were familiar with. The article analyzes the shift of narrative of the German Democratic Republic after the unification and the populist actions of the political parties, which gained the support of the Ossis after focusing on to the problem of their identity. This analysis constitutes an attempt to answer the question of the outstanding popularity of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in the Eastern regions of Germany.
EN
The Spanish Civil War attracted thousands of volunteers from various countries to fight on the Republican side. There were over 5000 Poles among them, although a vast part of them came not directly from Poland, but from economic migration, mostly in France. Their common designation – “Dąbrowszczacy”, comes from the name of the patron of the most important military unit they belonged to: a hero of Polish 19 th century independence struggles, Jarosław Dąbrowski. Analogously to the volunteers from other countries, most of them originated from working- class and were related to communist ideology. They were all deprived of Polish citizenship, in accordance to the law that forbid serving for a foreign army. A Pole who gained the most fame in Spain was Karol Świerczewski, “Walter”, who was also a general of Soviet army. In the postwar, communist Poland, the “Dąbrowszczacy” not only retrieved citizenship, but also gained various privileges. They were used by propaganda as an example of “correct” attitude: combined patriotism with proletarian interna- tionalism. It was argued that their actions in Spain had been a conscious effort to push aside danger of fascist aggression towards Poland, that finally happened in 1939. Many veterans fulfilled responsible tasks for the machinery of the totalitarian state. They also conducted aid for their former brothers in arms, as well as acts of solidarity with anti-franquist opposition, especially with Spanish communists. At first, all their activities were run through their own association (“Związek Dąbrowszczaków”), and later in ZBoWiD – a huge organization that combined all veteran groups approved by the authorities. Nonetheless, the veterans of Spanish war were not immune to suppressions, which according to the logic of communist dictatorship were extended even on those in power. Some of them were imprisoned during the Stalinist period but released and vindicated afterwards. Those of Jewish origin were also suppressed during the anti-Semitic campaign of 1968. With the time passing, the position of this environment declined, although those still active in public live attempted to maintain the remembrance of their actions. Nowadays, in the democratic Poland, the discussion about their role in Spanish war and the communist regime still brings up many controversies.
EN
When general Francisco Franco took over the reign in Spain a period called Francist dictatorship began. Propaganda began to be used on a large scale, starting with the indoctrination of the journalists to make them represent “the truth” convenient for the national authorities in their material. A positive image of the regime was made also directly through organizing lavish national celebrations such as army parades. The actions were taken in such a manner, that Franco was portrayed as a brave, strong, eminent leader. Often, inconvenient information was hidden only to not destroy the ideally planned nation’s image in the eyes of Spanish society. However, the greatest propaganda influence had the Cinematographic Documents Chronicle, which aim was to inform about the local and world events, whose materials were often untrue and broadcasted with delay.
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