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1

TRANSFORMATION OF THE SLOVAK ACADEMY OF SCIENCES IN THE PERIOD OF THE 1989 – 1993

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Kováč D.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2010
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vol. 58
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issue suppl. issue
109 – 137
EN
The study is devoted to the transformation of the Slovak Academy of Sciences as a result of the social changes after November 1989. The transformation is traced in three stages. The first stage, which lasted from November 1989 to the election of a new leadership of the Academy in January 1990, was very dynamic. Strike committees were formed and there were changes in the leadership of the Academy and its institutes. The changes culminated in the election of a new democratically elected body: the Council of Scientists of the Slovak Academy of Sciences. The second stage occurred during the term of office of the new democratically elected leadership of the Slovak Academy of Sciences (1990 – May 1992). The coarsest deformations and injustices caused by the totalitarian regime were corrected, and the Academy developed a new character as a non-university academic institution. During the second leadership of the Academy (May 1992 – 1993), the transformation continued especially in the field of making scientific research more effective. The number of employees of the Academy was reduced by almost half, while scientific research was maintained on a good level. Apart from structural changes, the introduction of a grant system contributed to this. The transformation was largely completed in the period 1989-1993, and the Slovak Academy of Sciences was transformed into a democratically run, effective scientific institution, which carried out basic research and also in some areas targeted applied research.
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Brilantný stredopoliar Dušan Škvarna

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Kováč D.
Acta historica Neosoliensia Vedecký časopis pre historické vedy
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2015
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vol. 18
7-9
XX
Article of historian Dušan Kováč is focused on memories for his colleague Dušan Škvarna and its 60-year jubilee.
3
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Hrdina a nepriateľ  : Masaryk a slovenská otázka

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Kováč D.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2018
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vol. 25
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issue 3-4
338-347
EN
The author shows how the perception of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk (1850–1937) by the Slovak society was created and has been changing in the course of history and how it was infl uencing the Slovak milieu. He dates Masaryk’s contacts and disputes with Slovak intellectuals already at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. At the same time, he had a great infl uence on the young generation of Slovak liberals grouped around the “Hlas” journal. Masaryk was widely respected in Slovakia as the founder and fi rst president of the Czechoslovak Republic. A major change occurred with the demise of the First Republic in the autumn of 1938, and particularly with the birth of the independent Slovak State in March 1939. The power in Slovakia was taken over by Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party which, according to the author, introduced negative ideological deformations into the assessment of Masaryk’s personality and historical role. Its members depicted Masaryk as an enemy of the Slovaks, who had not abided by the Pittsburgh Agreement, had given orders to shoot at Slovak workers, had been responsible for the death of General Milan Rastislav Štefánik in 1919, etc. After 1948, the propaganda machine of the ruling Communist Party of Czechoslovakia adopted some of these negative stereotypes, its offi cial historical interpretation of the pre-war Czechoslovak Republic as a bourgeois state also including a condemnation of its representatives, including Masaryk, who was labelled an agent of imperialism in the 1950s. The author claims that consequences of the dual ideological deformation still exist in Slovakia, supporting his statement by, for example, the fact that Masaryk’s name and other forms of his presentation (statues, busts, names of streets and institutions, etc.) are almost absent in the public space.
CS
Autor představuje, jak se historicky až do současnosti vytvářel a měnil obraz Tomáše Garrigua Masaryka (1850–1937) ve slovenské společnosti a jak slovenské prostředí ovlivňoval. Masarykovy kontakty i spory se slovenskými intelektuály datuje už do přelomu 19. a 20. století. Významný byl přitom jeho vliv na mladou slovenskou liberální generaci takzvaných hlasistů. Jako zakladatel a první prezident Československé republiky byl Masaryk na Slovensku široce respektovaný. Podstatná změna nastala se zánikem první republiky na podzim 1938, a zejména se vznikem samostatného Slovenského státu v březnu 1939. Moc na Slovensku převzala Hlinkova slovenská ľudová strana, která podle autora vnesla do hodnocení Masarykovy osobnosti a historické role negativní ideologické deformace. Luďáci vykreslovali Masaryka jako nepřítele Slováků, který nedodržel Pittsburskou dohodu, nechal střílet do slovenských dělníků, byl zodpovědný za smrt generála Milana Rastislava Štefánika v roce 1919 a podobně. Propaganda vládnoucí Komunistické strany Československa po roce 1948 část těchto negativních stereotypů převzala a v rámci oficiálního historického výkladu předválečné Československé republiky jako buržoazního státu odsuzovala také její představitele včetně Masaryka, který byl v padesátých letech označován za agenta imperialismu. Důsledky této dvojité ideologické deformace na Slovensku podle autora přetrvávají dodnes, což dokumentuje mimo jiné na skutečnosti, že Masarykovo jméno a zpodobení zde téměř absentuje ve veřejném prostoru (sochy, busty, názvy ulic a institucí a podobně).
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PROFESIA A IDEOLOGICKÉ VÝZVY. SCYLLA, CHARIBDA A CISH

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Kováč D.
Historický časopis (Historical Journal)
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2011
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vol. 59
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issue 4
601 – 607
EN
The article is devoted to the process of professionalization of history writing. It documents how the process of professionalization was exposed to various ideological challenges from the beginning. It was always complicated for the historian to maintain a declared independence and objectivity, since the subject of his research was the society of which he was a member himself. Ideological challenges came both from nationalism, as one of the dominant ideologies of the 19th and 20th centuries, and from the totalitarian ideologies that accompanied the totalitarian socio-political systems of the 20th century. Nationalism had the result that historiography began to concentrate especially on so-called national narratives. This caused the isolation and mutual estrangement of national historiographies. In opposition to this isolation, attempts at professional networking by historians already arose at the end of the 19th century. At first, these led to the holding of international congresses for the historical sciences, and from 1926 to the creation of the International Committee of the Historical Sciences (ICHS). In the past and in the present diversified world, this organization has always had to confront two threats: national isolationism on one hand and complete abandonment of the political and social engagement on the other.
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