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EN
With the end of the war, there was an end to cooperation between the existing allies. The division of spheres of influence in Europe, as agreed at the "Big Three" conference, began. The countries of Eastern Europe were incorporated into the sphere of influence of the Soviet Union. On the other side of the Iron Curtain, the Western countries led to the establishment of the German Federal Republic, which soon became a full participant on the international political scene, as was confirmed by its inclusion in the NATO political and military alliance, existing since 1949. In response to this event, the Soviet side established the Warsaw Pact, whose purpose, it was emphasized, would be defense against German expansionism. In accordance with the Kremlin's decision, all major positions in the command system were reserved for marshals, admirals, and generals of the Soviet Union. The Polish side believed that the "filling" of these positions should be rotational. This would confirm the responsibility of all states for the state and quality of the level of combat readiness of the assigned forces. Unfortunately, the Soviet side did not accept these proposals.
PL
Wraz z zakończeniem wojny, nastąpił kres współpracy dotychczasowych sojuszników. Przystąpiono do realizowania podziałów stref wpływów w Europie, zgodnie z ustaleniami konferencji „Wielkiej Trójki”. Państwa Europy Wschodniej zostały włączone w strefę wpływów Związku Radzieckiego. Po drugiej stronie tzw. żelaznej kurtyny, państwa zachodnie doprowadziły do powstania Niemieckiej Republiki Federalnej, która w bardzo krótkim czasie stała się pełnoprawnym uczestnikiem międzynarodowej sceny politycznej, czego potwierdzeniem było włączenie jej do istniejącego już od 1949 roku, sojuszu polityczno-militarnego NATO. W odpowiedzi na to wydarzenie strona radziecka powołała do życia Układ Warszawski, którego celem, jak podkreślano, będzie obrona przed ekspansjonizmem niemieckim. Zgodnie z decyzją Kremla, wszystkie najważniejsze stanowiska w systemie dowodzenia były zarezerwowane dla marszałków, admirałów i generałów Związku Radzieckiego. Strona polska uważała, że „obsadzanie” tych stanowisk powinno być rotacyjne. Byłoby to potwierdzeniem odpowiedzialności wszystkich państw za stan i jakość poziomu gotowości bojowej wydzielonych sił. Niestety strona radziecka nie akceptowała tych propozycji.
EN
The purpose of the article was to present, in the proverbial nutshell, the issues related to the military situation in the 1950s and 1960s during the so-called Cold War in the Baltic Sea, based on the materials of the Naval Reconnaissance Unit of the Polish People’s Republic. These materials were very important for analytical teams preparing concepts for operations in the Northern European Theater of Operations, as well as ensuring the security of the maritime borders of the Warsaw Pact countries. The 1950s and 1960s were characterized by a wide range of reconnaissance activities as a consequence of the changing reality in the Baltic Sea. The naval potential of both NATO countries, especially Denmark and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), was expanded, thus the other side began to create the People’s Navy of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), as well as to strengthen the combat potential of the naval forces of the People’s Republic of Poland. At the same time, the cooperation of allied fleets of the Warsaw Pact countries was improved, and for this purpose, staff exercises were conducted on maps and in the Baltic Sea. In retrospect, both NATO and the Warsaw Pact appreciated the military importance of the Danish Straits and the Baltic Sea. In the following years, efforts were made to improve the concepts of naval forces in these waters.
EN
The purpose of the article is to present the diplomatic activity of representatives of the Polish Navy, aimed at creating solid political and military foundations for the foundation, which was the maritime security of the state. Poland found itself in a new reality, becoming a coastal state. It had a maritime border and the company of states that were not satisfied with such a state, namely: the Weimar Republic and Bolshevik Russia. In addition to these countries, new countries have emerged in the Baltic Sea basin, such as Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Finland. One cannot ignore the eternal Baltic States, i.e., Denmark and Sweden. Poland decided that its foreign policy in the Baltic Sea basin should be based on good neighborly relations with countries that, like it, have regained their independence, as well as with Denmark and Sweden. Today, from the perspective of several decades, it can be said that this task was difficult to implement. This was influenced by many factors, which will be presented in the article. Unfortunately, one of them, independent of the Polish side, were the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles, which were not able to prevent the revival of German power and the revolutionary Soviet Union. The Versailles order achieved neither legitimacy nor a balance of power. A key role in the foreign policy of coastal states is played by the navy, which is its most important component. The Navy is the only branch of the armed forces of a country that, through the sovereignty of the decks and their immunity, has a much greater diplomatic „potential” than the land forces or the air force. Therefore, representatives of the navy are participants in universally understood diplomacy and function as naval attachés. It is they who are responsible for maintaining „maritime” relations between the states with which international relations are maintained. It is they who prepare the visits of warships in a given country and take care of their proper setting. It was, it is, and it will be. Poland began to fit into this mechanism practically from the establishment of the Polish Navy and continues to this day. The presented article focuses on the diplomatic missions of PMI officers in the interwar period.
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