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EN
The aim of the article is to analyse the place and importance of the Orthodox Church in the political culture of Ukraine after 1991. The term “political culture” is understood in accordance with the approach suggested by Kenneth Jowitt. It allows for a fairly good understanding of the reasons for which institutions and symbols associated with the Orthodox religion are so heavily involved in the political life of Ukraine. The article briefly characterizes the most important factors that make up the specificity of Ukrainian post-Soviet political culture. These are: the system of nomenclature (at the level of the elites), neopatrimonialism (at the level of the regime) and the consequences of Sovietization (at the level of the community). The way that Orthodoxy is present in behaviour and social practice which make up political culture at each of these levels is analysed in the subsequent part of the article. It seems that its effect on the political culture of Ukraine is ambivalent. This means that in some areas Orthodoxy is conducive to maintaining fixed patterns and mechanisms characteristic of post-Soviet reality, while in others it is a catalyst for change, which means implementing practices and social elements of the Western European model of political culture.
EN
The main goal of the article is to conceptualize a model of a state which would be adequate to the current situation in Ukraine. It seems that Russian aggression and the so called “anti-terrorist operation” allow us to observe a number of regularities which shed some light on what the Postsoviet Ukrainian state indeed is. It appears that a model of the state shaped in Ukraine is significantly inadequate to the patterns developed under the conditions of the West-European political culture. This issue was researched on the basis of two cases. The first was a case of the “forgotten” ammunition stored in Oktiabrsk harbor in Mykolaiv. It could be considered as an example of the inefficiency of the Ukrainian state. The second case concerns the provisioning of the volunteer battalion “Azov”. This one could be regarded as an example of the phenomenon of commercialization of state monopoly on the legitimate use of force. The analysis of these cases may lead to the conclusion that under post-Soviet circumstances an alternative model of the state arises. From the point of view of an “classical” (i.e. Weberian) approach, it could be named as “a state à rebours”.
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