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1

MLAVA

100%
Babik Z.
Onomastica
|
2003
|
vol. 48
139-150
EN
Mlawa > Mlawka is the name of a river, secondarily transferred to a village and town in northern Poland. The form of the name has not changed since the beginning of its written history. Polish linguists have attempted to connect it with various Slavic words, such as Ukrainian dialectal mlavyj 'weak', or Serbo-Croatian (Bosnian) mlava 'slowly flowing (or weak) stream'. It is demonstrated in the present paper that these words must be separated genetically from the name, because each of them has a different origin. In Slovenian and Serbo-Croatian there is another word family sometimes traced back to an earlier *ml(j)av-. Closer scrutiny reveals, however, that these words must come from *malv(i)- < IE *molHw(eye-) 'to grind, etc.' and consequently have nothing to do with Mlawa.Thus the name Mlawa remains unmotivated within Late Common Slavic and is therefore etymologically unclear, although certain facts may suggest Old Germanic (Gothic?) as its source.
2

COMMON SLAVIC *plutu- (shallow) IN POLISH HYDRONYMY

100%
Babik Z.
Onomastica
|
2004
|
vol. 49
23-50
EN
In Indo-European there were at least two feminine gender forms of the *-u-stem adjectives: a stem in *-i//ya- as well as a stem in *-u(//wa?)-. It appears probable that both continue forms with a single feminine gender marker *-(y)a//a- added to the root extended or not with *-u-. Since the Common Slavic adjectives *plyt(7)v7 and *plyt7k7, where 7 stands for a high reduced back vowel called 'jer', surviving in the historical Slavic languages, seem to go back to an ancient *-u-stem adjective *plutu-, it is reasonable to look for some traces of *-u-stem inflection (in particular, of its feminine gender forms) in older layers of the Slavic hydronymy in Poland. It is argued in the present paper that the simplest and most elegant way of explaining etymologically the river names Plycwia (Central Poland) and Plytwica (name of two rivers in Northern Poland) is to trace them back to the preforms, respectively, *plytv(j)i (gen. sg. *plytvje), a feminine form of *plyt7 (gen. sg. *plytvu) and *Plyt7vica, the latter derived from another feminine form *plyty (gen. sg. *plyt7ve).
3

FROM THE ETYMOLOGICAL RESEARCH ON RIVER NAMES OF THE UPPER VISTULA BASIN (1. Kineta, 2. Scieklec, 3. /)

100%
Babik Z.
Onomastica
|
2005
|
vol. 50
181-198
EN
In the paper four names of three rivers of the Upper Vistula basin are discussed. 'Kineta' is the name of a right tributary of the Vistula. This name was unconvincingly connected with Polish surname 'Kinet' or even considered a substratum name of Baltic origin (!). It turns out to be identical to a Polish dialectal word previously unnoticed by onomasticians: 'kineta' (drainage ditch), borrowed from Austrian German 'Künette' < Italian 'cunetta'. The historical sources indicate that the river name 'Scieklec' was inflected nom.-acc. 'Scklec', oblique cases stem 'Scieklc'- in the 13th–15th centuries, which points to a preform *St6kl6c6, where 6 stands for a high reduced front vowel called 'jer'. This fact rules out the possibility of its being related to the participle *s7tekl7 'which has dripped (down)', where 7 stands for a high reduced bach vowel called 'jer'. It is proposed to view it as a derivative of Polish s(z)klo < sckło < *st6klo 'glass' with the etymological meaning 'shining like glass'. F. Kortlandt's theory of a Common Slavic pretonic *e > *6 reduction is critically assessed in this connection as well. In a 15th century text the forms , and were written down as parallel names of the same brook in the Kamienna basin. Since the latter form seems to reflect 'Wskoczyla', a hypothetical adjective with the meaning 'which has jumped up/over' > '(over)swollen'; it is reasonable to assign a similar meaning to the former variant as well. It appears possible that , are merely distorted forms of * reflecting *wzdeta 'swollen' wzdac 'to swell', eventually in the etymological meaning 'overswollen (water)'.
4

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORICAL GRAMMAR OF THE SLOVAK LANGUAGE. FROM THE HISTORY OF THE PARTICIPLE 'MOHOL'

100%
Babik Z.
Rocznik Slawistyczny
|
2007
|
vol. 56
69-82
EN
In 1983, F. H. H. Kortlandt made the claim that the difference in root vocalism quantity observed be­tween the masc. sg. form of the Slovak '-l-' participles of the type 'niesol' '-*nesl7' (where 7 stands for a reduced back vowel called 'jer') on the one hand and 'mohol' '-*mogl7' on the other is to be connected with their original different stress pattern; while the former were end-stressed and owe the lengthening of their root vowel to a retraction of the stress from the final 'jer', the latter were stem-stressed (stress of the nom. sg. masc. is seen here as direct continuation of the Balto-Slavic stressed circumflex), as evidenced - according to that author - by the accentuation of other forms of its paradigm (e.g. of its present tense forms). The dialectal data known since 1968 (forms of the participle from more than 300 localities scattered all over Slovakia, published in 'Atlas slovenského jazyka') do not confirm the opinion that the nom. sg. masc. with short root vowel should be regarded as ancient; outcomes with a reflex of lengthened *o (in the masc. sg. form alone or generalized throughout the paradigm of the '-l-' participle) are attested in three peripheral areas not contiguous to each other. This very distribution strongly suggests their chronological priority over the Standard Slovak-like pattern, which is widespread mainly in the centre of the Slovak linguistic territory. The decisive argument is provided by the situation we encounter in the monosyllabic nouns of Common Slavic origin. There exists a peculiar morphonological type, which combines (original) long vocalism of the nom.-sg. form and short one of the remaining case forms (kon, kona etc.). This type is made up mainly of Common Slavic oxytona (b-type) with short root vowel (as a rule *o); some of these have generalized the lengthened vowel throughout the paradigm (bob, bobu), others seem to have eliminated it (e.g. snop, snopa). This peculiar distribution indicates that the alternation cannot be explained without recourse to inherited prosodic relationships. It has to be assumed that the radical etymologically short vowel of the nom.-acc. sg. of the b-stressed nouns was phonetically lengthened. Since such a lengthening cannot reasonably be posited for original a-stressed nouns, it can be assumed as well that the Slovak is one of few Slavic languages (together with, e.g., Slovene) which attest to different prosodic treatment of old acute and short neoacute. The form 'mohol' and the like are thus due to morphonological developments; the reason for the difference between 'niesol' and 'mohol' is to be sought in their different vowel timbre, which presumably determined the direction of levelling between gender forms of the sg.
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