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Funkcje integracji europejskiej z perspektywy subpaństwowych elit politycznych. U źródeł proeuropejskiego konsensusu w Szkocji

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Czapiewski T.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2020
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issue 1
45-66
EN
This article aims to explain the phenomena of incredibly broad consensus among the Scottish political elites around European integration. All relevant political forces (present in the 2016–2021 term in the Scottish Parliament) have une quivocally supported further membership. European integration and the EU are specifically defi ned in public debate to carry out certain functions from the perspective of the Scottish political elite. These interpretations in this text are divided into three categories, serving three basic functions: facilitation of the process of increasing the competences of Scottish institutions (through independence or decentralisation), support for social development based on left-wing values and strengthening the distinctiveness of Scotland’s national identity. They were distinguished through in-depth analysis of scientifi c literature, documents of public institutions and political parties and statements of Scottish politicians. Author concludes that the distinction between the three basic functions of European integration from the perspective of the Scottish political elite is justified, although it is not always possible to draw a precise line between them. It is also easy to see that there are interrelationships between the different elements of these functions.
2
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Brytyjskie wybory do Izby Gmin w 2017 roku wobec procesu wyjścia Zjednoczonego Królestwa z Unii Europejskiej

100%
Czapiewski T.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2018
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vol. 3
51-74
EN
The aim of the article is to analyze the 2017 United Kingdom general election, that took place in June 2017, in the context of Brexit, as the process of impending withdrawal of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU) is customarily called. The author aimed to verify the hypothesis, frequently proclaimed especially at the beginning of the campaign, that the Brexit was the main issue of this election. This verification was carried out through various analysis of the behavior of political actors (manifestos, campaign activities, statements in social media, etc.), but also social expectations (what citizens consider, according to declarations, as important, what motivated them when making choice, especially in the case of people who had changed their party preferences). The basic conclusion is that the campaign before the 2017 election brought very little to the Brexit debate, and political actors, contrary to the original announcements, dealt with the problem superficially. On the other hand, the political landscape, especially the voters’ decisions, are strongly determined by the division revealed by the referendum and its consequences. It is debatable whether this division is deeper, and the Brexit referendum was just one of its manifestations. Formulating specific propositions about Brexit was not the goal of the campaign of the two main parties, but only the instrument justifying the decision about snap election and serving to communicate and strengthen the basic slogans of the campaign – strong leadership for difficult times or return to a policy of redistribution and solidarity. An effective instrument, taking into accountthe fact that the dominance of the two main parties in the election has been the largest in nearly 50 years.
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Między niepodległością a Unią Europejską. O paradoksach postawy Szkockiej Partii Narodowej wobec Brexitu

100%
Czapiewski T.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2017
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issue 46
65-83
EN
The purpose of this article is to explain the attitude of the Scottish National Party (SNP) towards European integration, based on a study of its activity in two campaigns – before the independence referendum in Scotland in 2014 and the referendum on continued membership of the United Kingdom in the European Union (EU) in 2016. Reciprocal links between the two events are perceptible even to a passing observer of the British Isle’s political life. The question of the EU membership was one of the most important topics in the independence referendum’s campaign, and the result of the European referendum has been widely interpreted in the context of the second independence referendum. By analyzing and comparing the referendum’s campaigns in the 2014 and 2016 and the period immediately after the announcement of the results of a European referendum, it can be seen that SNP presented the pro‑European stance in each of them, but using different sets of arguments. The concept of paradox, used in paper’s title, is a summary of a number of observations regarding the SNP’s complex relationship with the project of European integration. Although the aim of the party is to regain independence, the limitations of sovereignty, which according to many are associated with membership in the EU, do not raise critical assessment. The support for the European integration continues unabated despite the dominance of negative attitudes towards the Scottish independence movement among the European elites. Similarly, the party seems not to notice the level of euroscepticism among its electorate. And finally, what is the most interesting – on the one hand, the possibility of another independence referendum has not resulted in a change of the attitude towards Brexit, on the other hand in the same campaign it could be seen, that for SNP maintaining public support and a dominant position in relations with other parties in Scotland was more important that preventing Brexit.
4
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INTERPRETACJA SYMBOLU WZGÓRZA ŚW. WOJCIECHA W ŚWIETLE GDAŃSKIEJ TRADYCJI POBYTU ŚWIĘTEGO

100%
Czapiewski T.
Studia Gdańskie
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1998
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issue 11
175-185
5
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Droga do dewolucji - szkockie referenda w latach 1979 i 1997

100%
Czapiewski T.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego ACTA POLITICA
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2009
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issue 22
35-48
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest opisowi referendów w Szkocji w latach 1979 i 1997. Są to główne wydarzenia w historii szkockiej decentralizacji, chociaż z różnymi wynikami. W 1979 roku zwyciężyli przeciwnicy decentralizacji (dzięki tzw. Poprawce Cunninghama, pomimo uzyskania przez nich mniejszej liczby głosów, niż popierających decentralizację. Z kolei w 1997 roku triumf zwolenników decentralizacji niekwestionowany. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie sfery politycznej obu tych wydarzeń i wskazanie konkretnych przyczyn rezultatów. Zdaniem Autora, głównymi przyczynami sukcesu decentralizacji w referendum w 1997 roku, były: siła i jednorodność Szkockiej Partii Narodowej i postępujący kryzys brytyjskiej tożsamości.
EN
The article is devoted to description of Scottish Referenda in 1979 and 1997. They are the main events in history of Scottish devolution, although, both with different results. In 1979, opponents of devolution won under Cunningham amendment, in spite of gaining less votes for no than for yes. In 1997 triumph of devolution supporters was unquestionable. The aim of this work is to describe political sphere of both events and to point out the reasons of specific outcome. In author’s view, the main reasons of devolution success in referendum in 1997, as distinct form 1979, are: strength and homogeneity of Labour Party, stable strength of Scottish National Party and progressing crisis of British identity.
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Sport jako arena politycznego konfliktu. Donald Trump przeciwko lidze futbolu amerykańskiego

100%
Czapiewski T.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2018
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issue 4(369)
147-162
EN
The article aims to analyze the relationship between sport and politics on the example of a sequence of events commonly known as the national anthem crisis. In 2016, American quarterback Colin Kaepernick protested while the national anthem was being played, which met with the harsh reaction of US President Donald Trump. The study consists of three basic parts. Subsections are devoted to the description of the social and political context of the NFL league, the national anthem crisis and the conflict between Trump and NFL, respectively. The basic question posed by the author is to explain the reason for such a special interaction between the world of sport and politics and to understand its course. The research source is English-language literature on the subject and statements of the participants of the events. As part of the conclusions, it was stated that the described event shows the special role of American football in American culture, coupled also with practices strengthening patriotism, but also the unique way Trump works in the area of politics. Despite the controversy and many critical voices, Trump can be treated as the winner of this dispute. The question of the relationship between sport and politics also needs to be discussed more broadly, especially with regard to defining the limits of the athletes’ right to protest.
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Referendum niepodległościowe w Szkocji jako klęska i triumf Szkockiej Partii Narodowej

100%
Czapiewski T.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2016
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issue 1(358)
117-132
EN
This article aims to explain the seemingly paradoxical process of the strengthening of the Scottish National Party in the period immediately after the Scottish independence referendum in 2014. The main reasons are the processes of polarization and consolidation of the SNP and unionist parties around the binary choice - yes or no to independence. The most important circumstances contributing to the phenomenon include: growing aversion to the institutions of British democracy; crisis of the Scottish Labour Party in terms of organization, personnel and program; popularity of the new leader and the effective change of leadership within the SNP, as well as far-reaching effects of the Unionists' campaign referred to as "Project Fear". Additionally, we can also mention: surge in civic activism as a result of the referendum campaign, a more favorable attitude of the media, austerity policies of the Tory government in London, country-level crisis of the Liberal Democrats and tactical considerations: a widespread expectation of a House of Commons without a one-party majority and the territorial distribution of electoral support for the SNP - beneficial in the context of a majoritarian system. 2015 is the year when the political momentum in Scotland changed, and it clearly favoured SNP and supporters of independence. The results of the independence referendum were only for a short time widely regarded as conclusive for decades. When making predictions one should remember that Scottish possibilities of independence are determined not only by factors such as national identity and constitutional disputes, but also by assessment of the functioning of political parties and public policies, and increasingly by the international context (United Kingdom European Union membership referendum).
8
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Rozważania nad szkockim kontekstem upadku brytyjskiego imperium. Między wewnętrznym a zewnętrznym kolonializmem

100%
Czapiewski T.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2016
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issue 4(361)
37-52
EN
This article aims to analyze the relation between British imperialism and the Scottish question. In the first place, the role played by Scots as a nation in the creation of the empire is described, including different frameworks, i.e. internal colonialism. Secondly, the hypothesis of the indissoluble connection of institutions of the British Empire and the United Kingdom (UK) is verified. The collapse of the British Empire had to undermine the sense of the existence of the UK. In the opinion of the author of this article a significant relation between the two phenomena can be observed, although he stipulates that it had a non-obvious form, and the occurrence of the consequences was not a "historic necessity", but had been reinforced by a number of other reasons, of perhaps greater importance, as e.g. the failure of the Thatcher government, the weakness of the unionist parties in Scotland and the social and economic transformations. The Empire was perhaps the most apparent symbol of the unity of the UK and a focus of the British loyalty. And most importantly - the Empire strengthened the sense of the Scottish identity, allowing to assign to it the attribute uniqueness and introducing it into a modern frame. It is worth mentioning that the causal description may not be the right perspective here, thinking in terms of the system would be more valuable - every relationship and every variable, which is commonly referred to as being an effect or a cause, in fact, is both: cause and effect, as the relations are never one-way.
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Partia Niepodległości Zjednoczonego Królestwa (UKIP) – studium partii eurosceptycznej

100%
Czapiewski T.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2020
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issue 1 (374)
291-311
EN
The aim of the study is to analyse the programme of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), which created the Eurosceptic discourse in the UK in the 21st century. The main hypothesis of the study is that the party’s programme was based on three key foundations, not just Euroscepticism. The essential timeframe for the research was set for the period 2006-2016, although references to the earlier and later period of the party’s activity are occasionally included. The basis for the research was the examination of manifestos and other party documents, but also broadly understood activities of politicians, including statements of party leaders, taking into account their functions in gaining voters’ support. It was concluded that the party’s programme appeal was based on Euroscepticism, hostility to immigration and populist antielitism. The analysis was complemented by an indication of the special role of the European Parliament, avoidance of accusations of racism and a populist approach to security issues. It also presents an assessment of the position of UKIP in 2016-2019 as a return to the status of a marginal party whose further existence is unsure.
10
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The Identity of Security Studies. Book Review: Stanisław Sulowski (ed.), Tożsamość nauk o bezpieczeństwie. Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek 2015 (pp. 217). ISBN 978–83–8019–120–4. Price: PLN 33.81.

100%
Czapiewski T.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2016
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vol. 45
429–432
XX
Book Review
11
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The Political Myth of Margaret Thatcher in Scotland

100%
Czapiewski T.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2016
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vol. 45
85-98
EN
The article describes and explains the phenomenon of the political myth of Margaret Thatcher – her anti–Scottish attitude and policies and its impact on the process of decomposition of the United Kingdom. The author indicates that the view of Margaret Thatcher’s dominance in Scotland is simplified, stripped of complexity, ignoring significant information conflicting with the thesis, but that also plays an important role in current politics, legitimizing secessionist demands and strengthening the identity of the Scottish community. In the contemporary Scottish debate with its unequivocal defence policy of Thatcher is outside of the discourse, proving its sanctity status. Thatcher could see this special Scottish dimension within the United Kingdom, but treated it rather as a delay in the reforms needed in the country. There are many counterarguments to the validity of the Thatcher myth. Firstly, many negative processes that took place in the 80s were not initiated by Thatcher, only accelerated. Secondly, the Tory decline in popularity in the north began before the leadership of Thatcher and has lasted long after her dismissal. The Conservative Party was permanently seen in Scotland as openly English. Thirdly, there is a lot of accuracy in the opinion that the real division is not between Scotland and England, only between southern England and the rest of the country. Widespread opinion that Thatcher was hostile to Scotland is to a large extent untruthful. She has never retreated radically from any of the Scottish privileges, such as the Barnett formula or the Scottish Development Agency.
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Impact of changes introduced to the Polish election law in 2018 on the process of preparing and conducting elections

63%
Czapiewski T., Miszczuk R.
Acta Iuris Stetinensis
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2019
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issue 27_ENG
53-78
EN
The aim of the paper was to explain the essence of the reform of the Polish election law, which took place in 2018. The changes were studied from the perspective of their impact on the process of organisation and preparation of elections. Therefore, four key elements of the reform were selected for analysis: institutional changes concerning commissioners and election officials, change in the position of local government units in the preparation and conduct of elections, live streaming of the work of district electoral Commissions (Obwodowa Komisja Wyborcza) and their appointing their members. The basic research method was the analysis of legal acts and expert interviews. The text highlights a number of problems and shortcomings related to the implementation of the reform. It was found that there are currently no institutions in Poland that have the resources to take over from local government units the tasks related to the preparation and organisation of elections. It was shown that many of the intended objectives of the reform were not achieved, either as a result of the amendments in the pre-election period or as a result of the interpretation aimed at maintaining the actual status quo despite legal changes. The latter phenomenon is the most visible in the institution of the electoral officer.
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Wpływ zmian polskiego prawa wyborczego w 2018 roku na proces przygotowania i przeprowadzania wyborów

63%
Czapiewski T., Miszczuk R.
Acta Iuris Stetinensis
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2019
|
issue 27
53-80
PL
Celem pracy było wyjaśnienie istoty reformy polskiego prawa wyborczego, która miała miejsce w 2018 roku. Zmiany badano z perspektywy ich wpływu na proces organizacji i przygotowania wyborów. W związku z tym do analizy wybrano cztery kluczowe elementy reformy, takie jak: zmiany instytucjonalne w odniesieniu do komisarzy i urzędników wyborczych, zmiana pozycji jednostek samorządu terytorialnego w przygotowaniu i przeprowadzeniu wyborów, transmisja z prac komisji obwodowych oraz obsada personalna tychże komisji. Podstawową metodą badawczą była analiza aktów prawnych oraz wywiady eksperckie. W tekście wskazano szereg problemów i uchybień związanych z implementacją reformy. Stwierdzono, że nie ma obecnie w Polsce instytucji posiadających zasoby pozwalające na przejęcie od jednostek samorządów terytorialnych zadań z zakresu przygotowania i organizacji wyborów. Wykazano, że wiele zamierzonych celów reformy nie zostało zrealizowanych, czy to na skutek nowelizacji w okresie przedwyborczym, czy wykładni nakierowanej na utrzymanie faktycznego status quo mimo zmian prawnych. W największym stopniu widać to ostatnie zjawisko w instytucji urzędnika wyborczego.
EN
The aim of the paper was to explain the essence of the reform of the Polish election law, which took place in 2018. The changes were studied from the perspective of their impact on the process of organisation and preparation of elections. Therefore, four key elements of the reform were selected for analysis: institutional changes concerning commissioners and election officials, change in the position of local government units in the preparation and conduct of elections, live streaming of the work of district electoral Commissions (Obwodowa Komisja Wyborcza) and their appointing their members. The basic research method was the analysis of legal acts and expert interviews. The text highlights a number of problems and shortcomings related to the implementation of the reform. It was found that there are currently no institutions in Poland that have the resources to take over from local government units the tasks related to the preparation and organisation of elections. It was shown that many of the intended objectives of the reform were not achieved, either as a result of the amendments in the pre-election period or as a result of the interpretation aimed at maintaining the actual status quo despite legal changes. The latter phenomenon is the most visible in the institution of the electoral officer.
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