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PL
The present analysis focuses on the political debate that took place in Germany in 2011–2012 regarding the possible transformation of the European Union into a Political Union. This change was perceived in Germany as a way of overcoming the fiscal crisis in the Euro Zone. However, following opposition from the governments of the majority of member states in the European Union, Germany abandoned plans to force through its own radical project and adopted instead a much more pragmatic plan proposed by European Union institutions, including establishing Banking Union in the Euro Zone, creating the Zone’s own budget together with mechanisms for coordinating economic policies (including tax and employment policies).
EN
In view of the recent reform of the area of freedom, security and justice in the European Union as it is codifed in the Treaty of Lisbon, passed on 13 December 2007, this paper analyzes the changes put forward by the new legislation. Beginning with the system of the Treaty regulations, it goes on to provide a general outline of the changes in the six policies within this area: visas, asylum, immigration, judicial cooperation in civil matters, judicial cooperation in criminal matters and police cooperation.
PL
Celem badawczym pracy jest rekonstrukcja wpływu Niemiec na reformę ustrojową Unii Europejskiej dokonaną w traktacie lizbońskim z 13 grudnia 2007 r. Autor formułuje hipotezę badawczą, że traktat lizboński znacząco wzmocnił pozycję Niemiec w Unii. Ograniczenie prawa weta państw członkowskich oraz radykalne wzmocnienie metody wspólnotowej w Unii dokonane w tym traktacie zamiast jeszcze bardziej związać Niemcy z UE, stworzyły potencjalne przesłanki nawet do ich dominacji w Unii.
EN
The research objective of the article is the reconstruction of Germany’s influence on the system reform of the European Union in the Treaty of Lisbon (December 13, 2007). The author formulates a research hypothesis that the Treaty of Lisbon has strengthened Germany’s position in the European Union. Instead of connecting Germany with the Union even more, veto restrictions on the Member States and the radical strengthening of the community method in the EU provided by the treaty formed possible grounds for their domination in the EU.
EN
The debate on the second institutional reform of the European Union began towards the end of 2011. The purpose of the new reform is to complete the systemic changes of EU implemented by the Treaty of Lisbon of 13 December 2007. The first part of the article presents the standpoints of the most important states whose representatives took active part in this debate or participated in the proceedings of the Reflection Group on the Future of the European Union. The second part discusses the opinions of EU institutions, particularly the European Commission and the European Council on the proposed reform. The three reports of Herman Van Rompuy prepared in collaboration with Barroso, Draghi and Juncker, which were presented to the European Council in June, October and December 2012 led to the development of a plan of measures aimed at completing the process of constituting an Economic and Currency Union by creating an integrated financial, budget and economic framework that would eventually overcome the debt crisis in the Eurozone. In turn the report of the Reflection Group on the Future of the European Union of September 2012 contained the postulate of a second in history, complex systemic reform of the entire EU. The idea of a possible transformation of the European Union into a Political Union has been postponed for at least a few years.
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Bilans polskiej prezydencji w Radzie Unii Europejskiej

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EN
The article deals with the assessment of Polish presidency of the Council of Europe. The author presents the strategic (priorities) and operational program of the Polish presidency, the limitations it encountered, and the major achievements and failures of the Polish government in the realization of preset goals (their categorization is provided). The most important achievements of the Polish presidency include: adoption of a package of regulations reinforcing the control of public finances of the member states of the eurozone and the European Union; achievement of a compromise on the EU general budget for 2012; start of negotiations on the long term financial framework for 2014-2020; initiation of debate on the reform of cohesion policy after 2013; continuation of work on the EU’s energy security; prolongation of the program of food aid for the most deprived EU citizens; further progress in the realization of the EU enlargement strategy; the Eastern partnership summit; completion of negotiation on the signing of the Association Agreement with Ukraine and beginning of similar negotiations with Georgia and Moldova; continuation of debate on the deepening of the internal market and sources of growth; legislative work on the introduction of a unified patent system and new regulations in the area of freedom, security and justice. In assessing the failures it must be noted that they were mostly due to a negative attitude of some EU member states or third countries to the Polish initiatives, while only a few can be attributed to negligence of the presidency as such. To the first category certainly belong the following: the lack of a unified stand toward Belarus in the Warsaw declaration; the lack of signing the Association Agreement with Ukraine; lack of admission of Bulgaria and Romania to the Schengen sphere; lack of realization of preset goals in a common policy on security and defense; lack of progress in accession negotiations with Turkey; lack of progress in work on the reform of the Schengen system. The second category of failures includes: a rather passive attitude of the Polish presidency during the UN climate conference in Durban; lack of realization of preset goals in a common agricultural policy; lack of substantial progress in negotiations on the reform of a common fishing policy and in the area of social and employment policy.
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