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EN
The paper is devoted to one of the oldest and major organs of the European Union, namely the European Parliament. It presents the origin and development of this institution dating back to the first European Communities i.e. the European Coal and Steel Community of 1952 and the European Economic Community of 1957. The author describes the prerogatives of the Parliament acquired progressively together with the development of the European Communities and the EU, its members and structure and the organization of work. A lot of emphasis is put on the role of the European Parliament in the integration process and building the united Europe. The paper also contains a lot of Polish aspects e.g. it describes the Polish road to the EU and the European Parliament and the course and results of the election to this EU institution in June 2004 when Poles (for the first time in history) elected their members of the European Parliament. The author also attempts to present the perspectives of the European Parliament in the enlarging European Union stressing the fact that before it is possible a new vision of the EU and the uniting Europe has to be worked out, the vision which does not seem to be easy to achieve. The concept like this is still non-existent and he doubts that we can soon expect its creation.
EN
The aim of the paper is to diagnose the situation of the European Union after rejecting the Constitutional Treaty by France and Holland in 2005 and to show EU's future in the light of various theoretical concepts and visions both classical and new ones which are expressed by intellectuals, politicians and the Union's leaders. After making an extensive use of analysis, description and a comparative method and conducting an analysis of normative documents, the author has prepared an extensive analytical study which shows that both the EU and Europe have found themselves at a crossroads. The integration processes in Europe have significantly slowed down and the Union's further enlargement is seriously threatened today. He also indicates that Poland has not sufficiently used all the opportunities it gained when joining the European Union. The European Union, which has been drifting for the last few months, urgently needs new impulses in the form of theoretical solutions (model solutions) as well as brave steps on the side of politicians and its leaders which would enable them to continue the process of European integration and which would prevent the Union from breaking up. The integration process is presently in the unprecedented stage of crisis hiding itself behind a facade of triumph. It is connected with various political, economic, social, cultural and international factors. Poland and its politicians should take advantage of this difficult period and propose new constitutional solutions instead of grievances and requests. The image of the Union as 'a big sack of money' should be rejected. The vision of the future of European Union should be based on the spirit of community which on the one hand leads to reducing the so called democracy deficit and on the other hand enables the medium-sized and small countries to play a much bigger role than the one they would have to play if they stayed beyond this community.
EN
Globalization processes raise many emotions, controversies and changes in international relations, ties and cooperation. Presented attitudes vary from enthusiasm to its total critic. In the center one finds those ones with positive attitudes towards globalization, or those who take advantages of its pragmatic values. The author assumes that there are three 'schools' of thinking about the globalization and each of them contain extreme and reasonable views. In general one may say that enthusiasts consider globalization as a potential factor of global effectiveness and increase of standards of lives in every corner of our planet. The pessimists think that free market, globalization of trade and financial markets, and of information, lead to one unified global market and cultural patterns. Globalsceptics think that globalization it is only a myth because nothing new has happened to the existing integration of the world market. They reject the thesis of globalists that the power of state has been limited. On the contrary, the states are the major players and architects of international economy. The third group, the supporters of global transformations, think that the contemporary globalization has far reaching consequences for the economic, political and socio-cultural relations. The author presents a table with 14 most important issues with views of both fractions of globalists. Other problems analyzed by the author are: notions and characteristics of globalization, attitudes towards globalization, global problems and their classification (socio-economic and civilization-culture relations, problems connected with the scientific and technical progress and problems of the milieu). As the last issue the author analyzes the impact of the international terrorism on globalization.
EN
This study considers the essence of sovereignty as a legal and political category and that of national identity as a cultural and social category, as exemplified by Poland, which since May 1st, 2004 has been an EU member. The paper points to the evolution of the content of the concepts: 'sovereignty' and 'national identity' and is focused on their current understanding in the era of globalisation and integration. Poland has been at the sharp end of those phenomena, which intensified while her constitution was being enacted as well as while the country negotiated accession to NATO and to the European Union. The author intends to demonstrate that the era of 'absolute and full sovereignty' had passed as a result of globalisation and growing interdependence. Based on an exegesis of Poland's Constitution as well as of the EU Constitutional Treaty and comparisons of their respective provisos, the author outlines, in their light, the sovereignty of Poland as both a nation state and a member of the European Union while attempting to demonstrate that the country's membership in the latter strengthens sovereignty and national identity rather than undermines them, bearing in mind that that it enhances the country's national and international security, including its political, economic, financial and military security. He claims that Poland's Constitution and that of the EU (should the latter enter in force, which seems doubtful), by enhancing each other, will bolster Poland's sovereignty and national identity both in the EU and on the wider international arena. Apart from that, the author attempts to prove that when Poland self-limits her political sovereignty, as a result of, e.g. joining voluntarily the EU upon the nation's approval (Poland did hold a referendum on the accession), the competence of the Polish state as a subject of international law has not been diminished, it has not lost the right to exercise sovereign power as far as security, economy, the armed forces, alliances, education, culture, etc. and so forth are concerned. Self-limitation, imposed for the sake of the state and national interest, serves to gain allies, partners and export markets, makes it possible to have and impact on and to create international reality. Because of that, we enhance our role in the world, our internal and external subjectivity and by the same we strengthen our sovereignty and national identity.
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