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1

Sytuacja w Niemczech i stosunki polsko-niemieckie w okresie upadku Republiki Weimarskiej i objęcia rządów przez narodowo-socjalistyczny reżim w relacjach polskiego posła w Berlinie Alfreda Wysockiego (1931–1933)

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Czechowski J.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2013
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vol. 78
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issue 1
31-46
EN
The collapse of the Weimar Republic and the seizure of power by Adolf Hitler were significant events in the political history of the German state. A serious economic crisis, the collapse of the old model of power made the Reich adopt the national socialist policy. Alfred Wysocki, a Polish diplomat in Berlin, was a witness of the events. His rich correspondence with the Foreign Office in Warsaw allows us to learn and understand the essence of the changes which in the future led to the outbreak of WWII. The diplomatic representative of Poland was an attentive and versatile observer. His reports described not only actions of the highest German authorities, but also included information about the economic situation in Germany, the development of the Hitler movement and the circumstances of the seizure of power. He also notified of social and political events, and his accounts were often accompanied by the analysis of the described phenomena, which unfortunately was not always correct. Alfred Wysocki was a diplomat who as a representative of Poland did not limit himself only to actions ordered by the Foreign Office in Warsaw. He used his knowledge to suggest solutions to the Polish authorities. Probably Wysocki’s personal independence was the reason for his being moved from Berlin to another diplomatic post.
2

Rola Niemiec w świadomości Finów. Związki z Niemcami i propaganda niemiecka w Finlandii w latach 1917–1939

100%
Czechowski J.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2009
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vol. 74
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issue 2
31-44
EN
In the interwar period the presence of Germany in the life of Finns was multifaceted. Besides the trade with Germany and Berlin’s impact on the foreign policy of Helsinki, there existed a specific form of German influence in Finland. It concerned the collective consciousness of Finnish society, in which Germany and everything that was German was given particular respect. Finland in the beginning of 1918 was forced to stand up against the radical left wing which was supported by Bolsheviks and tried to get power. It goes without saying that the intervention of the Baltic Division of gen. Rüdiger von der Goltza helped the legal authorities of Finland to take control of the situation in the country. Finnish people did not know secret conditions by the power of which the German government had agreed to help Finland. It is not surprising that Finish people saw Germany as a country thanks to which Finland had been able to defeat the internal threat of communism. At the same time political circumstances in Central Eastern Europe made Germany interested in extending their influence and establishing their military presence in Finland. As the Finnish historian Matti Klinge rightly pointed out, after finishing the civil war “Berlin took steps to include Finland in the German sphere of dominance.” The consent of the Finnish parliament to build the Finnish monarchy with the representative of the Prussian dynasty of Hohenzollern on the throne was a direct success of Berlin. The German-Finnish agreement on the issue was not executed due to changes which took place in Germany after the First World War was over. However, mutual contacts supported by the strong propaganda remained. Finland was a country in which there appeared also Polish interests. Thus, the German propaganda was very often anti-Polish. It must be stressed that Germany was interested not only in eradicating the Polish political and economic presence in Finland. The propaganda constituted an element of the German eastern policy, whose aim was to change the Treaty of Versailles in relation to Gdańsk and Polish Pomerania. Finns shared the German point of view on this matter. The Polish-Finnish relations, particularly political and military ones were blocked by pro-German attitude of Finns. Despite such a viewpoint of the Finnish government on the international reality, Finland did not advocate the methods of implementing the foreign policy as suggested by Reich at the end of the 1930s.
3

Franciszek Charwat – kierunki aktywności dyplomatycznej na placówce w Helsinkach (1928–1935)

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Czechowski J.
Zapiski Historyczne
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2014
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vol. 79
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issue 3
141-155
EN
The presence of an MP, Franciszek Charwat, in the diplomatic outpost in Helsinki lasted from 9 August 1928 to the end of 1935. F. Charwat had considerable diplomatic experience, for he had previously represented the Polish state in Germany, Ukraine and Estonia. He arrived in Finland at a time when the sluggish Polish-Finnish relations focused on their common attitude towards some European problems; at that time the situation in Finland was far from stable, as a result of the tensions between communists and nationalists. The analysis of his reports and letters sent to the head office in Warsaw leads to the assumption that the MP identified himself with political convictions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland and executed diligently all its orders in Finland. Moreover, while representing Poland Charwat supported a multifaceted presence of Polish elements (particularly cultural ones) in Finland. Thanks to his abundant correspondence, Franciszek Charwat left rich source material referring to the history of Finland and Polish-Finnish relations during the interwar period. Although his activity received much criticism in the literature of the subject matter, his competence and attention to the interests of the Rzeczpospolita should be positively regarded.
4
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Międzynarodowe uwarunkowania Litwy Środkowej (9 X 1920 – 6 IV 1922)

100%
Czechowski J.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2017
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vol. 49
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issue 2
PL
Zajęcie Wileńszczyzny przez gen. Żeligowskiego, ukształtowanie się struktur Litwy Środkowej, wybory do Sejmu Wileńskiego i uchwała o połączeniu ziemi wileńskiej z Rzeczpospolitą stworzyły nową jakość w bilateralnych stosunkach Polski i Litwy. Włączenie Wilna do Rzeczypospolitej stanowiło sukces Warszawy. Państwo litewskie konsekwentnie unikało nawiązania stosunków dyplomatycznych z Polską, zaś geopolityczne położenie II RP wymagało, aby Litwa stała po stronie polskich sojuszników i wspierała wysiłki Polski w budowaniu frontu przeciwko wspólnemu zagrożeniu w regionie. The seizure of Vilnius Region by Gen. Lucjan Żeligowski, development of the structures of Central Lithuania, elections to the Vilnius Parliament and a resolution of Vilnius Region to join the Polish Republic created a new quality in the bilateral Polish-Lithuanian relations. The seizure of Vilnius Region was a success of Warsaw. The Lithuanian state consequently avoided the establishment of diplomatic relations with Poland, while the geopolitical position of the Second Polish Republic made it necessary for Poland to have Lithuania as an ally supporting Polish efforts to form a common front against threats in the region.
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