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Студенты, аспиранты и стажeры из Армении, Азер- байджана и Грузии в Польше

100%
Gomółka K.
Facta Simonidis
|
2014
|
issue 7
181-194
PL
Studenci, doktoranci i stażyści z Armenii, Azerbejdżanu i Gruzji rozpoczęli przyjazdy na studia i staże do Polski na przełomie XX/XXI w. Powodem były przemiany polityczne w Polsce, dzięki którym dostęp do polskiego rynku edukacyjnego stał się łatwiejszy, a oferta przygotowana przez polskie uczelnie atrakcyjniejsza. Duże znaczenie w zwiększeniu przyjazdów cudzoziemców do Polski miały nowe programy stypendialne stworzone na mocy bilateralnych umów rządowych, planów wykonawczych inicjatyw międzynarodowych tj. Partnerstwo Wschodnie oraz propozycji organizacji pozarządowych.
EN
Students, doctoral students and trainees from Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia started arriving to study and for internships in Poland at the turn of the 20th and 21st century. The reason for that were the political changes in Poland, thanks to which the access to Polish education market has become easier, and the offer prepared by Polish universities more attractive. New scholarship programs, which were established under bilateral government contracts, implementation plans of international initiatives such as the Eastern Partnership and the proposals of NGOs, were crucial in boosting the arrivals of foreigners to Poland.
2
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Studenci, doktoranci i stażyści z Ukrainy na polskich uczelniach

100%
Gomółka K.
Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski
|
2016
|
vol. 1
85-98
EN
Students, doctoral students and interns from Ukraine have been the largest group of foreigners studying in Poland since the early 1990s - initially under agreements and programmes signed by the Polish and Ukrainian governments and after Poland’s accession to the European Union, following the entry procedure applicable to non-EU foreign nationals. In 1997 Ukrainians accounted for 15.7% of foreigners studying in Poland and in 2013 this percentage increased to 39.9%. The number of scholarships awarded to rose until the year Poland joined the EU and then since 2013, which was associated with the Eastern Partnership initiative and the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The number of students entering universities free of charge and without scholarships was increasing. The number of tuition fee payers rose just before Poland joined the EU and reached 76% of the overall number of Ukrainian students in 2013/2014. Until 2004/2005 there was an increase in the number of scholarship holders in doctoral studies and long-term internships. Since the mid-1990s doctoral students and interns studied for a charge. Offering the opportunity to obtain a diploma recognised in the EU, Poland has become an attractive country for Ukrainians to study and do research, often in better living conditions.
3
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Współpraca Unii Europejskiej z Kazachstanem w zakresie dobrego rządzenia, demokracji, praw człowieka i wsparcia reform instytucjonalnych

100%
Gomółka K.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
|
2017
|
vol. 4(15)
15-29
EN
The European Union supported Kazakhstan in carrying out political, economic and social reform twice. For the first time EU did so within the framework of the TACIS program in the years 1991–2006 when Kazakhstan has received $ 166 million mainly for the restructuring of state-owned enterprises, agriculture, infrastructure, energy, telecommunications, transport, environmental protection, administrative reform and health care and education. Again, the European Union has granted funds to Kazakhstan in the framework of the Strategy for Central Asia in 2007–2013. The main burden of support has been designed to prepare for institutional reforms for good governance and human rights protection. There were implemented 17 projects within four sectors: legal services and the judiciary; human rights, economic policy and development, strengthening civil society. In assessing the changes in some regions of the country reported good practices in the field of dialogue between local authorities and non-governmental organizations, increase the efficiency of public services and the transparency of budgetary expenditure. It was emphasized, however, that the authorities of Kazakhstan do not show understanding for the concept of good governance and democratization processes.
RU
Евросоюз неоднократно содействовал Казахстану в проведении политиче- ских, экономических и общественных реформ. Впервые поддержка была реализована в рамках Программы TACIS в 1991–2006 гг., когда Казахстан получил 166 млн долларов с предназначением, главным образом, на реструк- туризацию государственных предприятий, сельское хозяйство, энергетиче- скую инфраструктуру, телефонные линии, транспортные средства, охрану окружающей среды, реформу администрации, здравоохранение, а также на образование и просвещение. Вновь Евросоюз предоставил финансо- вые средства Казахстану в рамках Стратегии содействия для Центральной Азии в 2007–2013 гг. Основное количество средств было предназначено на подготовку к проведению институциональных реформ в сфере правильно- го управления и соблюдения прав человека. Было реализовано 17 проектов в рамках четырёх секторов: юридических услуг и юстиции, прав человека, экономической политики и развития, укрепления гражданского общества. Согласно оценке проведенных перемен в некоторых регионах государства была отмечена правильная практика в сфере диалога местных властей с не- правительственными организациями, увеличение эффективности обще- ственных услуг публичных и открытости бюджетных расходов. Однако было подчеркнуто, что власти Казахстана не проявляют понимания для концеп- ции правильного управления и процессов демократизации.
4
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Polish FDI in Central Asian Countries

100%
Gomółka K.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2018
|
vol. 1 (47)
20-38
EN
Since gaining independence, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan gradually opened their markets to foreign investors. Before Poland’s accession to the European Union, the activities of Polish investors in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan were based on bilateral treaties concluded by Poland with those countries. Later, except Turkmenistan, they were governed by the partnership and cooperation agreements between the European Communities and their Member States. Despite the ample investment opportunities and favourable conditions for access to the market, the activity of Polish companies in these markets has not produced a significant effect. Poland invested with more considerable success on the markets in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. It made investment attempts in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, leaving out Turkmenistan. The reason why Poland has a weak position in these markets is the distance between the partners and inability of Polish companies to effectively compete with large multinational companies which have been operating there for years. In the Kazakh market, good investment prospects are available for waste management, petrochemical, mining and road construction companies. In Kyrgyzstan, there are cooperation possibilities in the area of modern agricultural and processing technologies and establishment of fruit and vegetable processing enterprises. In Tajikistan, enterprises can invest in petroleum and natural gas extraction and exploitation, the fuel market, processing of precious metals and construction of conventional and hydroelectric power plants. In Turkmenistan, Polish companies can compete for road, railway and housing construction contracts, whereas in Uzbekistan they can invest in businesses covered by government tax reductions.
5
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Threats to Armenia’s Security in the National Strategy and Practice with Special Emphasis on External Security

100%
Gomółka K.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2017
|
vol. 1 (46)
74–90
EN
The national security strategy adopted in 2007 provided a detailed definition of security and identified its threats. The key threat to the Armenian state was considered to be the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The document indicated the Collective Security Treaty Organisation main guarantor of security, with Russia being Armenia’s main partner in bilateral relations. The second position in the strategy was assigned to cooperation with the NATO and the OSCE. One of the priorities identified was to intensify the economic and trade connections with the European Union and participation in the European Neighbourhood Policy as a step towards integration with European structures. As to bilateral relations, the most significant were Armenia’s contacts with Georgia and Iran. If we compare the assumptions of the strategy with the policy pursued by Armenia after 2007, it is clear that the measures taken are in line with the provisions of the document. By the end of 2016, the most serious threat to Armenia – the Nagorno-Karabakh issue – remained unresolved. Russia reinforced its position as Armenia’s strategic ally. The talks conducted between Armenia and the NATO are of little significance in view of the obligations assumed by Armenia. The same goes for the talks with the European Union after Armenia’s withdrawal from signing the association agreement, accession to the Eurasian Economic Union on 01 January 2015 and signing bilateral agreements with the Russian Federation.
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