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EN
The tabloidization of political journalism is inseparable from the developing process of the mediatization of politics, which is based on political entities adjusting their activities to the logic of the media, and the consequent changes this causes in media coverage. The purpose of this paper is to answer the question of whether the coverage of the local government election campaign by the regional dailies of Małopolska showed features typical of tabloids. The author presents the results of an analysis of the Kraków dailies (Dziennik Polski, Gazeta Krakowska and the local insert to Gazeta Wyborcza), in terms of five criteria of discourse differentiation: entertainization/infotainment, the rhetoric of dispute, personalization, markedness, and simplification. The analysis covered two aspects of the discourse: its form and content. This paper presents the results of an analysis of the tabloidization of media coverage in relation to its form and compares the results of surveys in 2006 and 2010.
EN
At least since the moment Poland joined EU Polish authorities have been insisting on the stronger and wider civic participation. It is reflected in the increasing number of emitted governmental documents. One of the most important items here is the attempt to engage NGOs in the decisive processes in the state. The aim of this article is the analysis of the relations between Polish NGOs and public administration in terms of the quality of civic discourse. The author focuses on those mutual relations before and after Poland joined EU. She does so both on the basis of the research conducted in 1990s and her own research results from 2011.
PL
Co najmniej od momentu przystąpienia Polski do Unii Europejskiej polskie władze deklarują potrzebę zwiększania i pogłębiania partycypacji obywatelskiej w Polsce. Deklaracje te znajdują odbicie w różnych dokumentach emitowanych przez władze publiczne. Jednym z elementów realizacji tych deklaracji ma być włączanie organizacji pozarządowych w procesy decyzyjne w państwie. Celem artykułu jest analiza wzajemnych relacji organizacji pozarządowych i administracji publicznej pod kątem jakości funkcjonowania instytucji dialogu obywatelskiego w Polsce. Autorka analizuje wzajemne relacje organizacji pozarządowych i administracji publicznej przed i po akcesji do Unii Europejskiej. Czyni to w oparciu o dostępne wyniki badań empirycznych z lat 90. oraz w oparciu o wyniki autorskich badań przeprowadzonych w 2011 roku.
EN
Analyzing the modernization processes in present-day democratic systems from the perspective of political communication and its actors, one must pay attention to the widening range of possible relations and research in this area. Today political communication research, conducted in the field of political sciences and media studies, go far beyond the interactions between the actors working in the sphere of the institutional policy and the so-called mainstream media, which have been in the center of attention of political scientists and media researchers until lately. More and more often, the research and considerations, undertaken by the latter, cover other more or less formalized and organized subjects of the social life, which influence, or have the potential to influence the shape of political decision centers’ work. The author of the text deals with the issue of the relations between think tank organizations and the media. On the one hand, the article shows the position of nongovernment expert organizations in the media public sphere. On the other hand, it shows how think tanks use Internet-tools of the communication. The article is based on empirical findings: the content analysis of the chosen news media and websites of the selected think tank organizations.
Zeszyty Prasoznawcze
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2014
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vol. 57
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issue 2
251-272
EN
Non-governmental organizations provide a mature form for non-formal movement organizations and intervene in different ways in politics and political parties activities. In the political communication studies they should be treated as civic participation platforms that give possibility to expand the practice of dialogue and public debate as well as partners representing civic society in relation with political actors. The aim of this chapter is to characterize and analyze the scope of mediatization of non-governmental organizations participating in political communication processes in Poland.
EN
The goal of this paper is to present the evolution of populism in Poland using the examples of two political parties: the “Samoobrona” (“Self-Defense”) political party of Andrzej Lepper (a populist party which garnered most support in the first decade of the 21st century) and the “Kukiz ‘15” movement – the dark horse of the last Polish parliamentary elections. Both of these groups superbly illustrate the demagogy characteristic of populism, linked with an affirmation of the people (nation) which in turn would not be possible without the anti-establishment stance of the political leaders and the electorate. A comparison of these two examples allows us to monitor the transformations occurring in populist groups over the last few years, especially in the age where the Internet is employed as a vital means of communication. The paper presents the alternative conceptualizations of the idea of populism, and moves on to employ the N. Baar scheme (2009) and secondary and primary data (data obtained from the “Barometr Wyborczy” voting advisory application), and press releases to draft various types of correspondence between these two cases, which makes it possible to identify new, interesting characteristics of populism.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie ewolucji populizmu w Polsce przy użyciu dwóch przykładów partii politycznych: „Samoobrony” Andrzeja Leppera (była to partia populistyczna, która uzyskała największe poparcie w pierwszej dekadzie XXI wieku) oraz ruchu „Kukiz’15” – czarnego konia ostatnich wyborów parlamentarnych. Oba te ugrupowania znakomicie ilustrują demagogię charakterystyczną dla populizmu, związaną z afirmacją narodu, która z kolei nie byłaby możliwa bez anty establishmentowej postawy przywódców politycznych i elektoratu. Porównanie tych dwóch przykładów umożliwiło nam monitorowanie przemian zachodzących w ugrupowaniach populistycznych w ciągu ostatnich kilku lat, zwłaszcza w czasach gdy Internet służy jako podstawowy środek komunikacji. W artykule zaprezentowano kolejno alternatywne konceptualizacje idei populizmu, a później – korzystając ze schematu N. Baara (2009) i danych drugorzędnych i podstawowych (dane uzyskane w internetowym poradniku wyborczym „Barometr Wyborczy”), oraz publikacji prasowych – zarysowano różnorodne powiązania występujące między obydwoma ugrupowaniami, co pozwoliło w rezultacie określić nowe, ciekawe cechy populizmu.
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2019
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vol. 12
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issue 2(23)
243-255
EN
In this paper fundamental information concerning the designing and conducting of comparative experiments, as methods which are able to be employed in the field of media studies, will be successively delineated. On the basis of the large-scale online experiment conducted in 15 countries in 2017, the assessment of the populist message impact as well as methodological challenges to such a project will be presented. We discuss challenges and lessons learnt from this type of research design.
EN
The paper presents the methodology and partial results of an empirical study on the professionalization and mediatization of the local government election campaign from the perspective of its coverage by the regional press. The study was conducted by a research team from four academic centers in Poland, under a research project entitled The elections to local governments in regional media. Regional dailies and television election programs as platforms of political communication. One of the aims of the project was to analyze how election campaigns were covered by local press at the time of the local government election campaign in Poland in 2010. Quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis were applied to the content of press releases concerning the elections collected over the last two weeks of the election campaign, prior to the elections of 21st November 2010, in the regional issues of the printed versions of “Gazeta Wyborcza” and regional variations of the “Polska The Times”, published in four regional capitals – Katowice, Kraków, Poznań and Warsaw. In the case of newspapers, an examined entity was a press release on the elections.
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