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EN
The article surveys the residences of the deans of the Brzeźnica deanery in the 19th c. The seats of the deans were parsonages in the parishes in which they acted as parish priests. The source basis of the article are inventories customarily drawn up at the introduction of a new parish priest. At the time in question the deans resided in Kamieńsk, Pajęczyn, Brzeźnica, Wiewiec and Dobryszyce, primarily in town parishes. Their residences were wooden parsonages with shingled roofs, except for one brick building. The value of the brick parsonage exceeded the sum value of the other four ones. The buildings were not very old but they often needed repairs. On the average, a parsonage was 163 square meters in area; it had a porch, a vestibule, rooms, a hall, a dressing room, closets, a kitchen, a larder and servants rooms. One of the parsonages had a garret, the other had lofts. The parsonages also had cellars. The inventories mention various parts of the interior, such as ceilings, walls, floors, doors, windows and stoves, which were usually of higher quality and in a better condition in the priest’s rooms than in the servants quarters. Priests leaving parsonages often left them in a condition that required renovation.
PL
Celem artykułu było przedstawienie procedury legalizacji dzieci oraz statystyk, w których uwzględniono płeć, wiek, imiona, zmiany nazwisk, pochodzenie społeczne i terytorialne dzieci naturalnych oraz motywy ich legalizacji. Wykorzystano dane zawarte w 43 protokołach legalizacji zarejestrowanych w aktach Sądu Pokoju Okręgu Radomszczańskiego w latach 1845–1874. W pracy zastosowano metodę statystyczną, która pozwoliła na uchwycenie danych liczbowych dotyczących badanego zjawiska. Spośród 43 legalizowanych dzieci tylko jedno było kobietą, pozostali to chłopcy (2) i mężczyźni (40). Ci ostatni w wieku od 19 do 27 lat stanowili 93% wszystkich legalizowanych. W 30 protokołach stanowiących 69,8% zabiegano o udowodnienie, że syn był jedynakiem. Legalizowanym dzieciom najczęściej (47,5%) nadawano imiona Józef (9) oraz Franciszek i Piotr (5), podobnie jak ówcześnie dzieciom pochodzącym z małżeństw. Nazwisko panieńskie matki po legalizacji utrzymała większość (65,8%) dzieci wywodzących się zwykle z niższych warstw społecznych. Nazwisko ojca nosiło jedynie 31,6%. Byli to w większości synowie żołnierzy i dzieci matek o lepszej pozycji społecznej. Ponadto jeden syn (2,6%) utrzymał nazwisko zmarłego męża matki. W grupie legalizowanych dzieci 38 (88,4%) pochodziło ze związków pozamałżeńskich, a jedynie pięcioro (11,6%) z de facto związków małżeńskich. Większość (61,9%) dzieci rodziła się na obszarze okręgu radomszczańskiego, a na terenie innych okręgów guberni warszawskiej 30,95%. Pozostali, stanowiący 7,15%, pochodzili z sąsiedniej guberni radomskiej. Proporcje te wskazują na lokalną migrację około 1/3 rodziców dzieci pozamałżeńskich. Instytucja uznania dziecka przez rodziców, jak dowodzą tego poddane analizie protokoły, służyła głównie wykazaniu, że syn był jedynakiem, co w świetle ówczesnych przepisów chroniło go przed służbą wojskową.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the procedure for legitimizing children, and the statistics in which sex, age, names, changes in surnames, the social and territorial origin of the children and the motives for their legitimization were taken into account. The data come from 43 records of legitimization made in the Radomsko District Peace Court from 1845 to 1874. The work uses a statistical method that allowed numerical data related to the phenomenon to be captured. Among the 43 legitimized children, forty were men, while there were two boys and only one woman. The men were aged from 19 to 27 and constituted 93 percent of all those legitimized. In 30 records (69.8% of all the records) parents wanted to prove that their son was an only son. The legitimized children (47.5%) were most often named Józef (9), Franciszek (5) and Piotr (5), which was similar to children born in wedlock at that time. After legitimization, the majority (65.8%) of the children, usually from the lower social classes, retained their mother’s maiden name. Only 31.6% of the children took their father’s name. These were mostly the sons of soldiers and children of mothers with a higher social position. One son (2.6%) retained the name of his mother’s deceased husband. In the group of legitimized children, 38 (88.4%) were born out of wedlock with only 5 (11.6%) born in wedlock. Most, i.e., 61.9% of the children, were born in the Radomsko district and 30.95% in the other districts of the Warsaw Governorate. The remaining 7.15% came from the neighboring Radom Governorate. These proportions indicate local migrations of about 1/3 of the parents of illegitimate children. The institution of recognition of a child by his parents, as evidenced by the protocols analyzed, served mainly to show that their son was an only son, which in the light of the then regulations protected him from military service. Due to poorly-preserved archival sources from the peace courts, the phenomenon of legitimizing children has not been subject to wider historical study. The condition of the sources also makes it difficult to determine what percentage of natural children were legitimized by their parents.
EN
The starting point for discussion in this article was the idea of Robert Dahl, who said that “the Greek democracy, political institutions, although at that time a very innovative, have been ignored or even rejected during the development of modern representative democracy.” The author of this article refers to the history of Athenian democracy and tries to search the answer to Dahl’s thesis. Author of the summary points out that Dahl’s thesis is built on the model of representative democracy polyarchy, while the modern model of deliberative democracy to a large extent refers to the solutions of the Athenian democracy. So finally, author rejects the Dahl`s idea as too hasty and not thought out in the context of the considerations of contemporary deliberative democracy.
EN
The article represents the causes of deaths contained in the metric of the Opole Lubelskie parish at the end of the 18th century. The names of diseases and their symptoms are divided in 10 groups: dermatological, throat diseases, connected with childbirth, the diseases of the blond circulation, nervous, respiratory and digestive systems, infectious diseases and the single cases of other diseases. The sudden cases of death, deaths because of old age, deaths because of weakness and deaths in accidensts are in the the separate group. Many diseases resulted from the lack of immunity of undernourished organisms. Diseases were also caused by the the low level of hygiene and the lack of the medical help. People rarely died of chronic diseases. Data from metric represent the ministers knowledge about the cause of death. They are usually the only source of information about the deadly diseases poor classes of the contemporary society.
EN
The corpus Christi solemnity initiated in the Catholic Church in the 13th century provided the occasion for the adoration of the Holy Sacrament. In time the solemnity was enriched with the external form of the cult, namely a procession. In the village of Spycimierz, by the River Warta, the adoration of the Host evolved into elaborated visual forms. The route of the Corpus Christi procession, apart from the typically decorated altars, was embellished with flower arrangements, which lay in the mid-lane of the road in the village. According to different accounts, the tradition of creating carpets of flowers dates back to Napoleon’s times. It is certain that it existed before World War II, and the first sources informing about it come from 1975.
PL
Uroczystości Bożego Ciała zapoczątkowane w Kościele katolickim w XIII wieku stały się okazją do oddania czci Najświętszemu Sakramentowi. Święto z czasem zostało wzbogacone o zewnętrzną formę kultu. W leżącej nad rzeką Wartą wsi Spycimierz formy adoracji hostii rozwinięto w postaci rozbudowanej oprawy wizualnej. Trasa procesji Bożego Ciała poza typowym wystrojem ołtarzy została w całości przyozdobiona kompozycjami z kwiatów, którymi wyłożono środkowy pas drogi we wsi. Tradycja tworzenia kwietnych kobierców według przekazów ma sięgać okresu napoleońskiego. Niewątpliwie istniała już przed drugą wojną światową, a pierwsze źródła o niej informujące pochodzą z 1957 roku.
EN
Being in charge of the deanery clergy, deans kept documentation which was stored in the dean’s archive. In the following article the records of the deanery of Brzeziny (in the 19th century this deanery was in the diocese of Kujawy-Kalisz) are presented as an example of usefulness of this kind of documentation for research. The bishop’s and consistory’s documentation suffered some losses in wars so the diocese government orders included in the dean’s records allow to complete these missing parts. The dean’s records contain information on the deanery clergy, the congregation and church property in a deanery; as well as some cartographic and typonymic documentation. The dean’s correspondence includes letters from the local secular and church institutions. Taking all these facts into consideration, it must be stated that the dean’s records are of great importance to the history of a given region.
EN
Father Andrzej Chyliński was the parish priest in the village of Męka near Sieradz, where he lived with his mother and possibly with several servants. Compiled after his death in 1862, the inventory separates the movable property he had owned into two categories, without distinguishing the raw material. The movable property listed on the inventory were used for office, leisure, wardrobe, culinary, pantry and utility functions. The majority of the mobile property was situated in the alcove room. The property of the parish priest of Męka amounted to a total of 393 pieces. Upon excluding farm movables, these were 366 pieces listed as 141 inventory items. A comparison of the personal property of the Męka parish priest with the local dean from the beginning of the 19th century (129 pieces in total) and average Old Polish parish priests (108 pieces) demonstrates a significant quantitative advantage in most types of movable property. However, the opposite can be observed when comparing A. Chyliński and his movables with a wealthy city craftsman from Zamość in the mid-19th century (599 pieces). The most expensive movables in the 1862 inventory accounted for 15% of items, where­as the cheapest constituted 6% of all items. Thus, Chyliński owned more than twice as many expensive items as cheap items. Items described as ‘old’ constituted 13% of the total amount.
PL
Ksiądz Andrzej Chyliński był proboszczem parafii we wsi Męka pod Siera­dzem, gdzie mieszkał razem z matką oraz zapewne ze służbą. Spisany po jego śmierci w 1862 r. inwentarz dzieli ruchomości na dwa tytuły, nie wyróżniając kategorii surowcowych. Ruchomości wymienione w spisie posiadały funkcje kancelaryjne, wy­poczynkowe, garderobiane, kulinarne, spiżarniane i gospodarcze. Mobiliów związanych z alkierzem było najwięcej. Mienie proboszcza z Męki liczyło łącznie 393, a po pominięciu ruchomości gospodarskich 366 sztuk zamiesz­czonych na 141 pozycjach inwentarza. Porównanie majątku osobistego plebana z Męki wykazuje znaczną prze­wagę ilościową w większości rodzajów ruchomości w stosunku do liczby rzeczy okolicznego dziekana z początku XIX wieku (łącznie 129 sztuk) oraz inwentarzy plebanów staropolskich (108 sztuk). Odwrotną zależność można zaobserwować porównując mobilia A. Chylińskiego z ruchomościami zamoż­nego miejskiego rzemieślnika z Zamościa z połowy XIX wieku (599 sztuk). Pleban z Męki posiadał też nieco mniej srebrnych łyżek niż porównywane zbiorowości. Najdroższe ruchomości w inwentarzu z 1862 r. stanowiły 15% sztuk rzeczy, a najtańsze 6% wszystkich. Rzeczy drogich było zatem ponad dwa razy więcej niż tanich. Przedmioty określone jako „stare” stanowiły 13% ogółu.
EN
The way of keeping records by deans was regulated by law. The records produced by Father Jan Gawełczyk were not always kept in conformity with legal requirements. The state of documentation from the time of his office is known thanks to registration of documents carried out in 1826 and 1854. These registers make possible a reconstruction of the so-called registry (record office), including the way in which different categories of documents were arranged. The catalogues show that the content of the archives grew twice during that time. The records have now been arranged in accordance with legal regulations, though not all requirements have been fulfilled. Comparison of the two registers reveals that a new Dean’s seal and journals for correspondence were introduced during Father J. Gawełczyk’s office.
EN
Protocols of legalisation created in the Peace Court of the Radomsko District in the years 1845–1874 allowed for analyses of persons deciding on this legal act. Based on 43 documents 49 persons legitimatising their children were established. They included 41 mothers and 8 fathers. Couples performed legitimatisation in 6 cases, only fathers in 2 cases, and mothers in 35 cases. The mothers had different marital status. Among them 11 were unmarried women, 16 were married and 14 were widows. Most often, therefore, they were mothers who were not married. The age of 40 parents recognising children was determined. The legitimatising parents were 20 to 61 years old. The age is known for 37 of the 41 mothers. They were women aged 25 to 61 (48.7 years old on average). Middle-aged mothers aged 37–59 dominated (33 cases, i.e. 89.2%). This was due to the fact that they decided to legalise their children only after they reached maturity. Out of the total of 49 legalising persons, the majority (47), i.e. 95.9%, were Catholics; there was also one Jewish woman and one member of the Evangelical Church. The social status of 25 mothers and 4 fathers was determined from amongst those who legalised their children. In most cases (20), i.e. 80%, they were women coming from or representing lower classes of society. Women of a peasant origin (6) were referred to as hard-working, peasants, daughters of a free peasant, farmer or landowner. There were also women working as charwomen (11) and as servants (3). The majority of the legitimatising persons were inhabitants of rural areas (47), i.e. 95.9%; only two legitimatising persons came from a town or city. Most of the people legitimatising children were middle-aged mothers representing lower social classes and living in rural areas.
PL
Protokoły legalizacji powstałe w Sądzie Pokoju Okręgu Radomszczańskiego w latach 1845–1874 pozwoliły na przeprowadzenie analiz dotyczących osób decydujących się na ten akt prawny. Na podstawie 43 dokumentów ustalono 49 osób legalizujących swoje dzieci. Stanowiło je 41 matek i ośmiu ojców. W sześciu przypadkach legalizowały pary, w dwóch tylko ojcowie, w 35 matki. Matki znajdowały się w różnym stanie cywilnym. Wśród nich 11 było pannami, 16 mężatkami, a 14 wdowami. Najczęściej były to zatem matki niebędące w związku małżeńskim. Ustalono jeden przypadek legalizacji dziecka poczętego z niemężem w czasie trwania związku małżeńskiego. Ustalono wiek 40 rodziców uznających dzieci. Legalizujący mieli od 20 do 61 lat. Spośród 41 matek wiek znany jest dla 37 z nich. Są to kobiety w wieku od 25 do 61 lat (przeciętnie liczyły 48,7 lat). Dominują matki w średnim wieku, liczące 37–59 lat, których było 33 (89,2%). Wynikało to z faktu, że decydowały się na legalizację dziecka dopiero, gdy osiągnęło ono dojrzałość. Na ogółem 49 legalizujących większość (47), tj. 95,9%, stanowią katolicy, ponadto wystąpiła jedna Żydówka i jedna ewangeliczka. Spośród legalizujących stan społeczny ustalono dla 25 matek i czterech ojców. W większości (20), tj. 80%, były to kobiety wywodzące się z niższych warstw społeczeństwa bądź je stanowiące. Kobiety pochodzenia chłopskiego (sześć) były określane jako pracowita, włościanka, córka rataja, rolnika, gospodarza. Wystąpiły ponadto kobiety pracujące jako wyrobnice (11) oraz służące (trzy). Legalizującymi byli w większości mieszkańcy wsi (47), tj. 95,9%, tylko dwie legalizujące pochodziły z miasta. Większość legalizujących dzieci stanowiły przede wszystkim matki w średnim wieku, pochodzące z niższych warstw społecznych mieszkających na wsi.
EN
The author’s ancestors lived in Uniejów and its region as early as the end of the 18th and in the 19th century. The ascendents of his mother living at the turn of the 18th century were sheep-farmers, of whom the Wiśniewski family lived first in Brudzew, and then their son Marcin in Milejów. The Rosiński family lived in Uniejów and later in Czepów Górny and Chorzepin. Their daughter Monika lived at the beginning of the 19th century in Rożniatów in Wielenin parish, and then moved with her husband Marcin to Zieleń near Spicymierz, where their daughter was born. The ancestors of the author’s father were burghers. The Krąkowski family lived in Wilamów in the years 1857−1863. In 1859 Antonina Krąkowska married Julian Godziński in Wilamów. Later the above mentioned families left the region of Uniejów.
EN
The study of Father Wiktor Krąkowski’s life (1827–1880) has been divided into two parts due to space constrains. This is the first part presenting his young years, including the time he spent in school, mainly in the seminary in Włocławek, and his church career up to 1853. It includes information about his ancestors and closest relatives and attempts to explain the etymology of his name. Source material for the article consists mostly of church court records, hence much attention is devoted to disputes between young curate Krąkowski and his superiors – vicars of the successive parishes where he was designated. The conflicts arose as a result of his efforts to secure satisfactory livelihood for his mother and siblings.
EN
The description of the parish of Szadek from 1521, included in Jan Laski’s Liber beneficiorum, is the oldest preserved complete register of the posessions and revenues of this parish. It contains toponomastic data on the property as Well as the legal and economic situation of Church at that time. It also provides information on the personnel and institutions connected With Church, such as hospitals and parish schools. The Latin edition of this description from 1880 is presented in this article. Its translation into Polish Was first published in 1817.
EN
In the Old Polish period, several religious fraternities were formed in the Roman-Catholic parish in Szadek. The parishioners who were interested in active participation in various forms of religious cult set up fraternities, which was an expression of the need for integration within the local community. Religious fraternities received funds from donors to finance their activities. In the 1850s, the Fraternity of the Rosary received legacies in the last wills of the donors to say Masses for the peace of their souls. The legacies were recorded in the form of notarial acts by Szadek registrars. These documents are yet another source of knowledge about the history of Church in Szadek.
PL
W Szadku w okresie staropolskim powstało kilka bractw religijnych funkcjonujących przy parafii rzymskokatolickiej. Wierni zainteresowani czynnym uczestnictwem w różnych formach kultu zrzeszali się w konfraterniach, czując potrzebę integracji w ramach lokalnej społeczności. Bractwa religijne otrzymywały od fundatorów i darczyńców fundusze na swe funkcjonowanie. W latach 50-tych XIX w. Bractwo Bożego Ciała i Pięciu Ran Pana Naszego Jezusa Chrystusa, zwane też Bractwem Pięciorańskim, oraz Bractwo Różańca Świętego otrzymały w testamentach zapisy na odprawianie mszy za duszę darczyńców. Legaty te zarejestrowano w formie aktów notarialnych notariuszy szadkowskich. Treść tych dokumentów stała się przedmiotem edycji w niniejszym artykule jako kolejne źródło do dziejów Kościoła w Szadku.
EN
The description consists of two documents depicting the state of real property, size of the area and the income of the parish in Szadek in 1858. These documents were drawn up under a decree of the government of the Polish Kingdom. The first of them describes the church and the buildings belonging to the parish. It lists in 19 points the real estate comprising the church property. Each description states the size of a building, its condition, material that it was built of and the value of insurance in case of fire. The second document describes the parish land in Szadek, Bobownia and Ogrodzim. It contains information about the size of each piece of land, its character, and type of land use (e.g. arable land, meadow, vegetable and fruit garden, waste land, road, water reservoir, built up area). The presented documents enrich our knowledge about the history of the Szadek parish, providing information on its possessions in the middle of the 19th century.
EN
Szadek decanate archives in diocese record office in Włocławek. Part II This is the second part of a description of Szadek Decanate historical documents which are held in the Diocese Record Office in Włocławek. The main focus of this paper has been on the contents of the documents and their place of origin. The preserved archives mainly contain legal regulations; there are much fewer documents relating to Szadek Decanate. On the basis of the 19th century register, it can be estimated that the file in its present form contains only about 10% of the documents once existing.
EN
The biography tells the story of a long-lived Stefania Madej (1901–2010) living in Dobroń near Lodz. Stefania came from a peasant family. Her father worked hard all his life, thanks to which he became the owner of a medium-sized farm. Together with her siblings Stefania helped parents on the farm at the expense of her education. She married a farmer, still remaining in the provinces. When the World War II was over she cared for the sick husband and after his death, in the absence of children, gradually got rid of an agricultural land. Thus she remained destitute. However, state financial assistance and care of a niece let her live in good condition almost 109 years.
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