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EN
With the populist tide on the rise, comparisons of contemporary right-wing governments to fascist regimes are increasingly common. The rise of the populist right-wing politics has created a number of reactions, using either new or established forms of political resistance. One of such examples is the anti-fascist movement whose strength grows in many national contexts. The recently observed political swing to the right results also in a radicalization of politics. Radical actors intersect and cooperate with moderate ones, influence one another and bring new ideas and repertoires of contention to the streets and into mainstream politics. This trend can be observed in Poland where the 2015 elections (presidential and parliamentary) resulted in the radicalization of the mainstream discourse. This article focuses on the case study of the broadly understood anti-racist movement in Poland that has recently had to remodel itself to face new challenges – in particular the institutionalization of xenophobic rhetoric and the growth of the far-right sector – and has undergone substantial changes in general. The article presents the internal radicalmoderate dynamics within the specific context of the anti-fascist movement in Poland. In particular, it explores the role of changes in political opportunity structures for the reinvigoration of the anti-fascist movement in Poland, radicalization in some of its sectors, and change in its priorities and focus.
PL
Opozycja treści i formy jest jednym z fundamentów (i złudzeń) klasycznej estetyki. Pojęcia te nie tylko funkcjonują jako przeciwieństwa i korelaty, ale bywają też „wymazywane” – jak w filmowej pornografii, czyli kinie mechanicznie replikowanej formy, kinie bez treści lub z treścią schematyczną i pretekstową. W historii filmu porno szczególne miejsce zajmują jednak Chłopcy na piasku Wakefielda Poole’a (1971). Film ten neguje formalne schematy pornografii, które reżyser zastępuje formą autorską, odsyłającą do tradycji modernizmu i sztuki gejowskiej oraz dialogującą z różnymi nurtami kina. Dzięki specyficznej organizacji czasu, lirycznej tonacji i wizualnej jednolitości Chłopcy… są więc filmem formy, ale à rebours; forma ta generuje treść. Dzieło Poole’a ma bowiem wymowę emancypacyjną i transgresyjną. Jego wartość artystyczna polega zaś na tym, że cielesność i seksualność są przepisywane na autorski język filmowy, metaforyzowane i kontekstualizowane w polu skojarzeń kulturowych.
EN
The opposition between content and form is one of the foundations (and illusions) of classical aesthetics. These concepts not only function as opposites and correlates, but sometimes they are “erased” – as in pornographic films of a mechanically replicated form, with no content or with schematic and pretext content. However, Wakefield Poole’s Boys in the Sand (1971) occupies a special place in the history of porn. This film negates the formal patterns of pornography, which the director replaces with an authorial form, referring to the traditions of modernism and gay art, and dialoguing with various trends in cinema. Due to the specific organization of time, lyrical tonality and visual uniformity, Boys… are therefore a film of form, but à rebours, and this form generates content, both emancipatory and transgressive. Its artistic value lies in the fact that corporeality and sexuality are rewritten into the original film language, metaphorized and contextualized in the field of cultural associations.
EN
There are connections between the re-birth of anarchism as a social movement in the 1960s and the emergence of music and youth subcultures around the same time. This chapter explores these relations pointing out to more than simple time correlation between the two processes. The paper looks at which elements of the new wave of anarchist movement resonate the best with the D.I.Y. (Do It Yourself) punk and hardcore music scenes. The paper investigates not only organizational dimensions of the connections, but also looks at the spatial aspect.
EN
Our paper deals with the establishment of the container settlements in Poland and the grassroots response to it: by the inhabitants and by political activists. In particular we are interested in how local authorities strategically frame housing issues to create social acceptance of diminishing standards of social housing in Poland and the involvement of the mainstream media in the process. We are focusing on strategies as well as tactical efforts to overcome structural and discursive opportunities emerging in the process of the anti- container campaign. Exclusionary discourse about the ‘container ghettos’ becomes a justification for local authorities to use social containers as tool of social and spatial segregation as well as to discipline communal tenants. In response of this process activists had to develop new diagnostic mobilizing frames and put considerable effort into frame alignment processes and forged new alliances with other actors. We analyze the campaign from the perspective of social movement studies, in particular structural theories of collective action. One side effect of such policies is unspoken racism, which we – after E. Balibar – interpret mostly in class terms aimed at the economically maladjusted. Empirically, our paper draws upon sociological intervention and 40 in-depth interviews with the inhabitants of the container settlements in Poland in 7 different cities conducted in 2008-2012; participant observations of the settlements and of the campaign against them due to personal involvement of one of the authors.
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