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EN
The author analyses professional geographical narratives centered upon the borders in East Central and Southeast Europe in the context of the First World War. It is argued that they represent a regional equivalent of nationalistic mobilization of intellectuals’ characteristic for Western Europe and broadly referred to as ‘spiritual war’ (Krieg der Geister). Typically, they tended to employ the newest methodological trends (notably anthropogeography) together with inspirations from the tradition of national characterology (or ethnopsychology). They also participated in the international discussions on the question of ‘natural’ borders. The main fronts of ‘the war of maps’ spread mostly around territorial claims in the region: the German expansion to the East, the conflict between Bulgaria and Serbia in Macedonia, the Polish-Ukrainian border conflict, hostilities between Italy and Serbia etc. The expertise of the East Central and Southeast European geographers was, then, instrumental for the reshaping of the region following the decisions of the Peace Conference. Finally, professional techniques and modes of argumentation used by the region’s geographers inspired interwar revisionist campaigns in Hungary and Germany.
ARS
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2015
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vol. 48
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issue 2
136 – 144
EN
The main role of the loyal Stalinist historians in Central and Eastern Europe consisted in accepting of the Marxist-Leninist methodology by Soviet historians and in creating an image of history, which would re-interpret the national history in spirit of Marxism. This new interpretation has been presented mainly in university textbooks and historical journals. The paper focuses on the privileged status of "national traditions" in the Marxist historiography in relation to the age.
EN
This article analyses strategies used by geographers of Central and Eastern Europe, foremost Poland, to improve their international position, in the interwar. The boycott of Germany and its former allies almost until mid-1930s was a challenge to this group and it gradually hindered its development. The most original attempt at overcoming the threat of marginalization were congresses of Slavic geographers organized from 1924. The greatest success, however, came with the 1934 Warsaw congress of the Geographical Union, which was also the occasion for German geographers to fully return to international scholarly exchange.
PL
Artykuł omawia strategie udziału w międzynarodowym życiu naukowym geografów z Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, przede wszystkim z Polski. Utrzymujący się prawie do połowy lat trzydziestych bojkot Niemiec i ich byłych sojuszników stanowił dla tej grupy poważne wyzwanie i z czasem coraz większą przeszkodę we własnym rozwoju. Najciekawszą próbą przezwyciężenia marginalizacji okazały się zjazdy geografów słowiańskich organizowane od 1924 roku. Ostatecznie największy prestiżowy sukces na tym polu, warszawski kongres Unii Geograficznej w 1934 roku, stał się zarazem okazją do powrotu niemieckich geografów na forum międzynarodowe.
EN
History of Sikhism is a constant struggle for the independence of their own country – Khalistan including Punjab which is their native territory. Due to many wars and partiations, Sikhs lost their state meanwhile Punjab was divided between Pakistan and India. Despite all of this national identity is the core value among the Sikhs. The purpose of this article is to present Sikhs’ struggle to independence of Khalistan functioning of this ethnic and religious group in the age of globalization.
PL
Historia sikhizmu to nieustanna walka o niepodległość własnego państwa – Khalistanu, obejmującego Pendżab, czyli ich ziemię ojczystą. W toku licznych wojen i zaborów Sikhowie utracili własne państwo, a Pendżab ostatecznie został podzielony pomiędzy Pakistan oraz Indie. Pomimo tego tożsamość narodowa wśród Sikhów stanowi jedną z podstawowych wartości. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie sikhijskiej drogi do wolności Khalistanu, jak i funkcjonowania tej grupy etniczno-religijnej w dobie globalizacji.
EN
History of Sikhism is a constant struggle for the independence of their own country – Khalistan including Punjab which is their native territory. Due to many wars and partiations, Sikhs lost their state meanwhile Punjab was divided between Pakistan and India. Despite all of this national identity is the core value among the Sikhs. The purpose of this article is to present Sikhs’ struggle to independence of Khalistan functioning of this ethnic and religious group in the age of globalization.
PL
Historia sikhizmu to nieustanna walka o niepodległość własnego państwa – Khalistanu, obejmującego Pendżab, czyli ich ziemię ojczystą. W toku licznych wojen i zaborów Sikhowie utracili własne państwo, a Pendżab ostatecznie został podzielony pomiędzy Pakistan oraz Indie. Pomimo tego tożsamość narodowa wśród Sikhów stanowi jedną z podstawowych wartości. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie sikhijskiej drogi do wolności Khalistanu, jak i funkcjonowania tej grupy etniczno-religijnej w dobie globalizacji.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie szans i zagrożeń wynikających z realizacji głosowania przez Internet (i-voting) oraz omówienie warunków skutecznej realizacji tej alternatywnej procedury głosowania na przykładzie Estonii i Szwajcarii. Estonia jest jedynym krajem na świecie, w którym powszechnie stosuje się głosowanie i-głosowanie. Z drugiej strony w Szwajcarii ta metoda głosowania jest najczęściej stosowana, choć jej stosowanie zostało zawieszone na kilka lat ze względu na problemy prawne, infrastrukturalne i polityczne. Jakie są warunki skutecznego przeprowadzenia głosowania internetowego? Próba odpowiedzi na to pytanie badawcze była możliwa dzięki zastosowaniu metod badawczych: porównawczej, formalno-dogmatycznej, behawioralnej oraz zmodyfikowanej metody historycznej. Kluczowy wniosek jest taki, że wdrożenie internetowego głosowania musi być poprzedzone wieloletnimi działaniami politycznymi, prawnymi, infrastrukturalnymi i społecznymi, a tworzony system musi być jak najbardziej przejrzysty.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the opportunities and threats resulting from the implementation of voting via the Internet (i-voting) and to discuss the conditions for effective implementation of this alternative voting procedure on the example of Estonia and Switzerland. Estonia is the only country in the world where i-voting is widely used. In Switzerland, on the other hand, this voting method has been used most often, although its use has been suspended for several years due to legal, infrastructural and political problems. What are the conditions for successfully implementing Internet voting? The attempt to answer this research question was possible thanks to the use of the following research methods: comparative, formal-dogmatic, behavioral and modified historical method. The key conclusion is that the implementation of i-voting must be preceded by many years of political, legal, infrastructural and social activities, and that the created system must be as transparent as possible.
EN
During the First World War, and later, geographers from East Central and South-Eastern Europe formulated several argumentative strategies to support territorial demands. Initially, the predominating idea was the one of ethnic borders, which were an expression of the right to self-determination as well as the most significant correction for strategic and economic justifications. Soon, however, the experts present at the peace conference became convinced that arguments other than ethnic arguments should be used. These arguments contained, among other motifs, culture and civilization. The most active among the experts in this respect were eminent scholars from Poland (e.g. Eugeniusz Romer), Czechoslovakia (e.g. Jan Kapras), Ukraine (Stepan Rudnytsky), Yugoslavia (Jovan Cvijić), Romania (Simion Mehedinţi) and Germany (Albrecht Penck, Wilhelm Volz). Most of them continued this line of thinking in the inter-war period, contributing to the creation of their respective national varieties of geopolitics.
PL
Autor analizuje polityczny wymiar działań geografów z Europy Środkowo‑Wschodniej w czasie I wojny światowej i bezpośrednio po jej zakończeniu. Naukowcy ci, czerpiący z dorobku niemieckich i francuskich nauk geograficznych i często wykształceni w zachodnioeuropejskich uniwersytetach, zaangażowali wysokiej klasy warsztat badawczy w legitymizację narodowych interesów. Paryskie negocjacje pokojowe stanowiły szczyt politycznych wpływów ich intelektualnych koncepcji, ale pośrednim dowodem skuteczności geografów w regionie stały się także nawiązania i zapożyczenia w międzywojennej propagandzie rewizjonistycznej Niemiec i Węgier.
EN
This article represents an attempt to analyse the political desiderata underlying the activities of East Central European geographers during the First World War and in its immediate aftermath. These scholars, drawing on the achievements of German and French geographical studies, and who were frequently graduates from western European universities, employed sophisticated research tools and arguments in the service of legitimising national interests. The apogee of the political impact of their intellectual concepts came during the peace negotiations in Paris, but indirect evidence of the efficacy of this generation of geographers in the region can also be seen in the fact that they were to become points of reference and arsenals of knowledge utilized by the interwar revisionist propaganda of Germany and Hungary.
PL
To Measure the Enemy. Physical Anthropology and the First World WarThe discussed publications (Andrew D. Evans, Anthropology at War. World War I and the Science of Race in Germany, Chicago–London 2010; Doing Anthropology in Wartime and War Zones. World War I and the Cultural Sciences in Europe, eds. Reinhard Johler, Christian Marchetti, Monique Scheer, Bielefeld 2010) pertain to the history of physical anthropology in Europe at the time of the First World War and testify to a turnabout in the approach to the examined problem. After 1945 it was analysed either excessively within the context of the history of science or discussed on the margin of works dealing with the history of racism. The mentioned publications witnessed an encounter of both currents of reflections. In this manner, historians of anthropology joined historians, archaeologists and ethnologists who for a longer time have been delving into the connections between sciences dealing with man and politics and nationalism, in particular within the context of the Third Reich.The key issue of the new interpretation is the breakdown of the nineteenth-century liberal paradigm of physical anthropology, a phenomenon most visible in German-speaking countries. The analysed publications discover the breakthrough at the time of the First World War when under the impact of a universal mobilisation of intellectuals and due to experiences gathered while conducting studies in POW camps, German and Austrian anthropologists rejected the previously binding dogmas, and first and foremost began to obliterate the boundary between the categories of “race” and “nation”.Critical remarks concerning a new interpretation of the history of physical anthropology concern several problems. In the first place, the contrast between the liberal paradigm prevailing before the war and racist post-war anthropology appears to be excessively vivid. The authors do not perceive the symptoms of the longer duration of the “liberal school” and the racist practices and views that appeared already prior to 1914. Second, by stressing the exceptionality of German and Austrian anthropology, they do not appreciate the dynamic development of this science in Russia as well as within the academic circles of Central-Eastern Europe and the Balkans. Finally, while speaking about the nationalistic involvement of anthropologists they devote insufficient attention to representatives of such affiliated disciplines as anthropogeography or psychology. Processes intent on the introduction of political accents affected those domains to a degree just as large and sometimes considerably greater than anthropology.
PL
This article by Maciej Górny discusses the works of two nineteenth-century anthropologists: Franciszek Duchiński (1816–93) and Jean-Louis Armand de Quatrefages de Bréau (1810–92). The methodological foundation of the text is the conception of histoire croisée. The first of the above-mentioned scholars was a Polish political émigré born in Ukraine and living in Turkey, France and Switzerland, the author of a theory about the non-Slavonic racial origin of the Russians. In the1860sand1870shisthesesbecamewidelyknowninFranceandGerman-speaking countries. Quatrefages became acclaimed for his publication La Race prussienne, maintaining that the Prussians are of Turan (Mongol) origin. The topic of the discussed article also embraces the international reception of both authors: Jean-Louis Quatrefages has been assigned a place both in the history of science and in works on the history of European racism, while Franciszek Duchiński has been relegated to the margin of Polish and Ukrainian history of historiography.Maciej Górny conducted a comparative analysis of the theses propounded by the two authors. Consequently, and upon the basis of assorted evidence documenting contacts maintained by Quatrefages and Duchiński we might assert that La race prussienne was in part plagiarism of the publication by the Polish-Ukrainian anthropologist and partly an adaptation of his theses to slightly different research material.
EN
In early twentieth century racial ideologies and racial anthropology penetrated the traditional concepts of national specificity. It was a rule all over Western Europe, though Germany was clearly the leader both in ideological and institutional terms. In East Central Europe this development was accelerated by an increased intel­lectual influence of German universities. First World War marked the peak of these processes. Racial anthropology was expected to deliver a scientific interpretation of the continental conflict. In East Central Europe it was equally an argument in support of ethnic and territorial claims. The article discusses eight examples of regional theories based on discursive connections between race and nation: Hungary, Ukraine, Serbia, Poland, Finland, Romania, Lithuania, and Bohemia. Their authors were experts: professional anthropologists, geographers, ethnologists and medical scientists. Generally it can be argued that all of these theories were successful. A considerable part of them (notably the Serb, Polish, Finnish) contributed to the construction of ‘national unity’ of the newly formed states. Others, despite their failure to do so, were instrumental in the formation of national movements and strengthened the idea of national peculiarity. Almost all of them succeeded in entering the mainstream of the European racial sciences in the interwar period. Consequently, their authors made considerable careers in the academia. But in long run the post-1945 evolution of physical anthropology marginalized racial theories. After the collapse of the Third Reich what had been the mainstream of physical anthropology gradually turned into a scientific and ideological Sonderweg. The experts dealt with in this article caught up to the art of modernity that unexpectedly run out of fashion.
PL
Even though they occurred around the same time, the Polish January Uprising of 1863/64 and the American Civil War (1861–5) have seldom been considered in the same context by historians, while comparative historical studies of the events are scarce. The present article explores the historiography relating to both countries to, firstly, outline the most interesting attempts in existing Polish and US-American research to find shared aspects in the two events. Secondly, my study establishes and analyses phenomena and themes in these parallel histories that could prove most fruitful for comparative investigation. In conclusion, I assess the potential that comparative approaches could generate for the historiography of the American Civil War and the January Uprising.
PL
Tematem artykułu jest udział geografów w dyskusji nad nowymi granicami Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej i Południowo-Wschodniej w czasie I wojny światowej i na konferencji pokojowej w Paryżu. Na przykładzie uczonych takich jak Jovan Cvijić, Eugeniusz Romer, Stepan Rudnic’kyj i Viktor Dvorský autor analizuje strategie argumentacyjne towarzyszące tworzeniu definicji terytorium narodowego. W dalszej części tekstu zajmuje się wpływem ekspertów geograficznych na ustaleniakonferencji pokojowej w Paryżu w 1919r.The article discusses the contribution of geographers to the discussion about the new boundaries of East-Central and South-Eastern Europe during the First World War and the peace conference at Paris. Using the examples of such scholars as:Jovan Cvijić, Eugeniusz Romer, Stepan Rudnytskyi and Viktor Dvorský, the author analyses the argumentative strategies used to formulate the definition of national territory. In the further part of the text he focuses on the contribution of experts in geography to the output of the Paris Peace Conference of 1919.
EN
The article applies the concept of lieu de mémoire to one of the most intriguing personalities of Polish and German history. Rosa Luxemburg (Róża Luksemburg) has been an object of manifold commemorations and re-interpretations within the Communist movement as well as apart from it. The authors analyze the role of Luxemburg in the politics of state socialism and in the context of Communist revisionism. In addition, they refer to her symbolic meaning in the protest movement of 1968 in West Germany. Finally, a section of this article is devoted to the place of Luxemburg in the topo-graphy and iconography of Berlin. The article combines the methodological approach of Historical Memory Studies with the methods of bilateral and entangled histories.
EN
The standard of living of the citizens of different countries is mostly identified with the level of gross domestic product (GDP), nominal and per capita. In the public sphere, on the other hand, there is talk of ‘socio-economic’ development, supposedly reflected in the economic indicators mentioned above. The conviction of the universality of these two measures, as well as the equalization of social and economic development, is becoming an increasingly frequent basis for the criticism of GDP as a measure of national wellbeing. However, what is the true relationship between GDP and level of citizens’ happiness? This issue is considered by the authors.
PL
Poziom życia obywateli poszczególnych państw świata utożsamiany jest najczęściej z wysokością produktu krajowego brutto w ujęciu nominalnym oraz per capita. W przestrzeni publicznej natomiast mówi się o rozwoju „społeczno-go­spodarczym” mającym mieć odbicie w powyżej wymienionych wskaźnikach gospo­darczych. Przekonanie o uniwersalności tych mierników, a także zrównywanie roz­woju społecznego z gospodarczym staje się coraz częstszą podstawą zarzutów wobec miernika PKB. Jaka jest jednak prawdziwa relacja PKB do poziomu szczęśliwości obywateli? Zagadnienie to stanowi przedmiot rozważań autorów
PL
Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie wstępnych wyników badań ankietowych, przeprowadzonych wśród litewskich studentów na temat ich opinii o i-votingu i możliwości wdrożenia tej alternatywnej metody głosowania na Litwie. Głównym celem badań były odpowiedzi m.in. na następujące pytania badawcze: Jaki stosunek do głosowania za pośrednictwem Internetu mają młodzi Litwini? Jakie zagrożenia, korzyści i wyzwania związane z potencjalnym wdrożeniem i-votingu na Litwie dostrzega badana grupa. Badania wykazały, iż respondenci uważają, że największe bariery we wprowadzeniu i-votingu na Litwie to: zagrożenie cyberprzestępczością, możliwość naruszeń zasady tajności głosowania, brak woli politycznej, konieczność zmian prawa; młodzi wyborcy chętnie korzystaliby z głosowania za pośrednictwem Internetu i mogłoby to pozytywnie wpłynąć na frekwencję wyborczą wśród tej grupy wyborców; złożoność wyzwań związanych z wdrażaniem i-votingu sprawia, że nie ma szans na jego szybkie wprowadzenie.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the preliminary results of a survey conducted among Lithuanian students on their opinion about i-voting and the possibility of implementing this alternative voting method in Lithuania. The main aim of the research was to answer the following research questions: What is the attitude of young Lithuanians towards voting via the Internet? What threats, benefits and challenges related to the potential implementation of i-voting in Lithuania are perceived by the surveyed group. The research showed that the respondents believe that the greatest barriers to the introduction of i-voting in Lithuania are: the threat of cybercrime, the possibility of violating the principle of secret voting, the lack of political will, the need to change the law; young voters would be willing to vote via the Internet and this could have a positive impact on the turnout among this group of voters; the complexity of the challenges related to implementing i-voting means that there is no chance of its quick introduction.
EN
Organizing voting in general elections only in the traditional way (i.e., at the ballot boxes) may make it difficult for more and more voters to participate. This is due to the increasing mobility of society and the fact that citizens are away from home on election day, the aging population and much more difficult access of the old and the sick to polling stations, and – as shown in the years 2020–2021 – unexpected epidemic crises that affect public health, which in turn translates into the election process. This article focuses on alternative voting methods in Poland and Lithuania. The main intention of the authors is to analyze the legal basis and compare the functioning of alternative voting procedures in the electoral systems of both countries, as well as to answer the question about the possibility of introducing new forms of voting that could increase the health safety of voters and ensure the democratic nature of elections in emergency situations. The motivation to take up this topic were: the wprowapresidential elections in Poland in 2020 and the parliamentary elections in Lithuania in 2021, during which not only alternative voting methods were used (e.g., correspondence voting), but also the possibility of implementing completely new solutions – safe in the event of spreading coronavirus pandemic.
PL
Organizowanie głosowania w wyborach powszechnych wyłącznie w tradycyjny sposób (tj. przy urnach wyborczych) może utrudniać udział coraz większym grupom wyborców. Dzieje się tak ze względu na m.in.: coraz większą mobilność społeczeństwa, a co za tym idzie, przebywanie obywateli w dniu wyborów poza miejscem zamieszkania; starzenie się społeczeństwa i znacznie trudniejszy dostęp osób starych i chorych do lokali wyborczych z uwagi na ograniczenia mobilności; niespodziewane kryzysy epidemiczne, które wpływają na zagrożenie zdrowia publicznego, co pokazały lata 2020–2021. Wszystko to przekłada się na proces wyborczy. Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu są alternatywne metody głosowania w Polsce i na Litwie. Zamierzeniem autorów jest analiza podstaw prawnych i porównanie funkcjonowania alternatywnych procedur głosowania w systemach wyborczych obu państw, a także odpowiedź na pytanie o możliwość wprowadzenia nowych form oddania głosu, które mogłyby zwiększyć bezpieczeństwo zdrowotne wyborców, a także zapewnić demokratyczny charakter wyborów w sytuacjach nadzwyczajnych. Motywacją do podjęcia tego tematu były wybory prezydenckie w Polsce w roku 2020 i wybory parlamentarne na Litwie w roku 2021, podczas których nie tylko wykorzystywano alternatywne metody głosowania (np. głosowanie korespondencyjne), ale także rozważano możliwość wdrożenia zupełnie nowych rozwiązań – bezpiecznych w sytuacji rozprzestrzeniania się pandemii koronawirusa.
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