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EN
In 1992, with the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty, a new institution, namely EU citizenship, was created. The treaty introduced a qualitative change in the sphere of political and legal position of citizens of the Member States, who gained in these spheres a number of new powers. One of them is the right to diplomatic and consular protection. The analysis of these two rights leads to a conclusion about the great discrepancy that exists between treaty guarantees and the effective exercise of this right. The Member States did not agree with third countries on this subject, which is a requirement of international law. Secondary law also allows only a partial exercise of the treaty’s right to care in the territory of third countries. It has been reduced only to consular assistance and is still narrowly understood. The treaty law of EU citizens remains therefore at a very early stage of development.
PL
W 1992 r., wraz z przyjęciem Traktatu z Maastricht, powstała nowa instytucja, jaką jest obywatelstwo Unii Europejskiej. Traktat wprowadził jakościową zmianę w sferze pozycji politycznej i prawnej obywateli państw członkowskich, którzy zyskali w tych sferach szereg nowych uprawnień. Jednym z nich jest prawo do opieki dyplomatycznej i konsularnej. Jego analiza prowadzi do wniosku o dużym rozdźwięku, jaki istnieje pomiędzy gwarancjami traktatowymi a efektywnym wykonywaniem tego prawa. Państwa członkowskie nie porozumiały się bowiem z państwami trzecimi w tym przedmiocie, co jest wymogiem prawa międzynarodowego. Także prawo wtórne umożliwia jedynie częściowe wykonywanie traktatowego prawa do opieki na terytorium państw trzecich, ponieważ zostało ono sprowadzone tylko do pomocy konsularnej, i to jeszcze wąsko ujętej. Prawo obywateli Unii Europejskiej znajduje się zatem jeszcze na bardzo wczesnym etapie swojego rozwoju.
EN
The article discusses the New Silk Road Initiative in context of the Chinese Central Asian policies. An overview of the trajectory of development of the PRC political and economic presence will allow for an identification of the opportunities as well as the challenges to the future ambitions of the Middle Kingdom. The prospects of the New Silk Road are promising. The old problems – the lack of integration of Central Asian States and the economically challenging environment of the post-Soviet space – are still posing threats to every international political project in the region, though.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy oceny szans powodzenia strategii Nowego Jedwabnego Szlaku w kontekście relacji Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej z państwami poradzieckiej Azji Centralnej. Bliższe spojrzenie na trajektorię wzrostu chińskiej obecności gospodarczej i politycznej w regionie pozwala zdefiniować szanse jak i wyzwania jakie stoją przed Państwem Środka. Perspektywy Nowego Jedwabnego Szlaku są obiecujące. Stare problemy, jak brak integracji poradzieckiej Azji Centralnej, czy gospodarczo trudne środowisko obszaru poradzieckiego – wciąż jednak stanowią realne zagrożenie dla każdego projektu politycznego w tej części świata.
PL
Wydarzenia polityczne z 2003 roku w Gruzji, 2004 na Ukrainie oraz 2005 w Kirgistanie zwykło określać się kolorowymi rewolucjami na obszarze poradzieckim. Choć w pierwszej chwili przypisanie im rewolucyjnego charakteru może się wydawać słuszne, z perspektywy czasu można jednak stwierdzić, że w strukturze systemów politycznych Gruzji, Ukrainy i Kirgistanu nie doszło do zmian uzasadniających taki pogląd. Konsekwencje kolorowych rewolucji pozostały rewolucyjnymi tylko z nazwy. Mimo to ich polityczna użyteczność zdaje się przeważać nad stanem faktycznym zaszłych zmian.
EN
Political events that took place at the end of 2003 in Georgia, in 2004 in Ukraine and in 2005 in Kyrgyzstan are popularly called Rose, Orange and Tulip Revolution or collectively: Color Revolutions in the Post-Soviet space. At the first glance term “revolution” may seem to be appropriate. From a decade long perspective one may notice that the revolutionary changes in the political systems of Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan did not take place, though. However, their consequences show that the political utility of calling them revolutionary outweighs the extent of the true political change.
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Co to jest medium?

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EN
  At the beginning the author expresses his opinion that there is a national confusion which nowadays prevails about the nation of medium. His explications, in which he reminds his readers about the indirectness of media communication, are of historical character and expose numerous examples of notional abuse. One of the these states that without defining, in the broadest possible way, the notion of medium, which is a crucial one for media studies, it appears tha any systematic scientific reflection is impossible. As a remedy for the notional confusion, acceptance of the realistic definition of medium which was worked out by Werner Faulstich and based on the theoretical concept of Urlich Saxer („media are systems which solve problems”) is suggested. Therefore, that definition, four dimensions of which define the bases of empirical media studies, means the symbolic „patricide” of the main founder of modern media studies Marshall McLuhan and makes empirical, functional history and theory of the media possible.
PL
What is a Medium? At the beginning the author expresses his opinion that there is a national confusion which nowadays prevails about the nation of medium. His explications, in which he reminds his readers about the indirectness of media communication, are of historical character and expose numerous examples of notional abuse. One of the these states that without defining, in the broadest possible way, the notion of medium, which is a crucial one for media studies, it appears tha any systematic scientific reflection is impossible. As a remedy for the notional confusion, acceptance of the realistic definition of medium which was worked out by Werner Faulstich and based on the theoretical concept of Urlich Saxer („media are systems which solve problems”) is suggested. Therefore, that definition, four dimensions of which define the bases of empirical media studies, means the symbolic „patricide” of the main founder of modern media studies Marshall McLuhan and makes empirical, functional history and theory of the media possible.
EN
In Between stage and work of literature. In the reforming role of Richard Wagner's musical dramas the author tries to show that musical dramas of the German composer were actually important artistic events which could contribute to the understanding of the complex relations between the stage and the musical drama as preserved in the score. The lack of the unequivocally outlined conception of the work - incomplete at different levels and unspecified in its many aspects - gave an impulse to numerous stage experiments which appeared to be of significance just from the point of view of the history of the theatre. And so the history of staging Wagner's dramas became a part of its history; Adolphe Appia, a Swiss reformer of the theatre was one of the first to find this regularity and tried to present it on stage using all the historical changeability of the latter.
EN
This article supports the thesis that Carl Dalhaus’s interpretation of the Wagnerian musical drama (drama is here understood as a “dramatic musical form” existing in the score, which fully comes into being only on stage as a concrete artistic creation) is not totally in opposition to StefanKunze’s interpretation, according to whom the Wagnerian drama, as the whole musical theatre of Wagner, is in fact the “imaginative theatre”. It is possible to defend this thesis thanks to my conviction that “imaginativeness” of the theatre and its reality (staging) are not mutually exclusive although they create a particular tension. This article consists of two parts. The first one presents Carl Dalhaus’s interpretation according to which the staging belongs to the history of a particular work of drama, forming its unique character every time again. The other part of the text discusses Stefan Kunze’s interpretation that the imaginary theatre is a part of the dramatic-musical form. There is a punch line, or a specific coda, at the end of the second part of the article, which explains the meaning of both, Dalhaus’s and Kunze’s points of view, seen also from the perspective of Wagner’s musical drama itself. My interpretation presented in this article is – referring to the current state of research and in spite of a large number of literature on this subject – new and original although the meaning of both theories is of great importance for the Wagnerian studies. My interpretation may serve to better understand both – the paradox of Wagnerian studies and the artistic work to which these theories refer.
PL
Kozłowski Krzysztof, Dahlhaus – Kunze: dwugłos o dramacie muzycznym Richarda Wagnera [Dalhaus – Kunze: a dialogue on Richard Wagner’s musical drama]. „Przestrzenie Teorii” 13. Poznań 2010, Adam Mickiewicz University Press, pp. 117-131. ISBN 978-83-232- 2176-0. ISSN 1644-6763. This article supports the thesis that Carl Dalhaus’s interpretation of the Wagnerian musical drama (drama is here understood as a “dramatic-musical form” existing in the score, which fully comes into being only on stage as a concrete artistic creation) is not totally in opposition to Stefan Kunze’s interpretation, according to whom the Wagnerian drama, as the whole musical theatre of Wagner, is in fact the “imaginative theatre”. It is possible to defend this thesis thanks to my conviction that “imaginativeness” of the theatre and its reality (staging) are not mutually exclusive although they create a particular tension. This article consists of two parts. The first one presents Carl Dalhaus’s interpretation according to which the staging belongs to the history of a particular work of drama, forming its unique character every time again. The other part of the text discusses Stefan Kunze’s interpretation that the imaginary theatre is a part of the dramatic-musical form. There is a punch line, or a specific coda, at the end of the second part of the article, which explains the meaning of both, Dalhaus’s and Kunze’s points of view, seen also from the perspective of Wagner’s musical drama itself. My interpretation presented in this article is – referring to the current state of research and in spite of a large number of literature on this subject – new and original although the meaning of both theories is of great importance for the Wagnerian studies. My interpretation may serve to better understand both – the paradox of Wagnerian studies and the artistic work to which these theories refer.
EN
The article deals with the relationship between film and painting, as well as the sciences (physics, cosmology) of the 20th century. It introduces the historical context important for the time when Kubrick’s film was made, and addresses the issue of abstraction in cinema, contemporary painting and cosmology, confronting artistic and scientific ideas (the models of the Universe). The starting point for the detailed analysis was “autonomous abstract film” (Alicja Helman), which as a film inside a film combines various cinematic types and genres. The analysis of takes and sequences of this film inside a film made it possible to decipher the director’s idea, which is expressed in intra-film references. The particular results of the research were compared with the possible iconographic context (Gerhard Richter). The inclusion of a diagnosis obtained on the basis of materials examined in the Kubrick Archives in London (Kamil Kościelski), and references to cultural tradition (Plato), supplement the aforementioned considerations in an important way.
EN
This article will argue that in The Shining, Kubrick has constructed a radical semantisation of instrumental music, composed or adapted to the film. It could be argued that in this context Kubrick has produced such a sophisticated backdrop of fusion between music and film that this production can be considered one of the masterpieces in this field. In this light, the study shall discuss five aspects: the context of programme and instrumental music in respect to both conflicting and complementary tendencies of 19th c. esthetics, discussion of the simplest compositions used to demonstrate the film’s world of the inferno and finally, Kubrick’s complex semanticisation based on a clear labyrinth construction (catalysing fear in the labyrinth-trap). The study shall employ Carl Dahlhaus’ (1971) model of “method of interpretative analysis” used in respect to Richard Wagner as well as the notion of Wagners Konzeption des musikalischen Dramas. Further, the discussion shall be based on a complementary authorial methodology in three parts; a reading of non-musicological semantic markers of synchronically arranged fragments of instrumental composition used in film narration, a diachronic analysis of forms and their elements relating to the film score and last, an examination of the most functional of concepts relating to the esthetics of music. On the basis of the above mentioned issues, it shall be maintained that the music used as an overlay to the unfolding narrative of the film, though multifarious in construction, is powered by a dominant topos, diabolus in musica, which is realised in the form of “polyphony without cantus firmus”. This in turn supports the view that the role of music ought to be seen as one integral to film as a communicative medium, and not one simply of background, as some would argue. In conclusion, it shall be argued that in constructing a semantic framework of music in such a rich multi-level fashion, Kubrick has turned the role of music into an integral element of a highly complex artistic structure. This, it ought to be added, allows the score of this film to be placed at the same level as synthetic works of art (musical drama) and in terms of the genre horror, The Shining is the most “musicalised” of Kubrick’s films. This study may provide a basis for further research into the nature of Film, in particular, the work of Stanley Kubrick.
PL
The Kubrick Horror Show: making music in “The Shining” This article will argue that in The Shining, Kubrick has constructed a radical semantisation of instrumental music, composed or adapted to the film. It could be argued that in this context Kubrick has produced such a sophisticated backdrop of fusion between music and film that this production can be considered one of the masterpieces in this field. In this light, the study shall discuss five aspects: the context of programme and instrumental music in respect to both conflicting and complementary tendencies of 19th c. esthetics, discussion of the simplest compositions used to demonstrate the film’s world of the inferno and finally, Kubrick’s complex semanticisation based on a clear labyrinth construction (catalysing fear in the labyrinth-trap). The study shall employ Carl Dahlhaus’ (1971) model of “method of interpretative analysis” used in respect to Richard Wagner as well as the notion of Wagners Konzeption des musikalischen Dramas. Further, the discussion shall be based on a complementary authorial methodology in three parts; a reading of non-musicological semantic markers of synchronically arranged fragments of instrumental composition used in film narration, a diachronic analysis of forms and their elements relating to the film score and last, an examination of the most functional of concepts relating to the esthetics of music. On the basis of the above mentioned issues, it shall be maintained that the music used as an overlay to the unfolding narrative of the film, though multifarious in construction, is powered by a dominant topos, diabolus in musica, which is realised in the form of “polyphony without cantus firmus”. This in turn supports the view that the role of music ought to be seen as one integral to film as a communicative medium, and not one simply of background, as some would argue. In conclusion, it shall be argued that in constructing a semantic framework of music in such a rich multi-level fashion, Kubrick has turned the role of music into an integral element of a highly complex artistic structure. This, it ought to be added, allows the score of this film to be placed at the same level as synthetic works of art (musical drama) and in terms of the genre horror, The Shining is the most “musicalised” of Kubrick’s films. This study may provide a basis for further research into the nature of Film, in particular, the work of Stanley Kubrick.
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EN
Kozłowski Krzysztof, Wiersz o jesieni. O Frantzu François Ozona [A Poem on Autumn. Frantz by François Ozon]. „Przestrzenie Teorii” 32. Poznań 2019, Adam Mickiewicz University Press, pp. 77–92. ISSN 1644-6763. DOI 10.14746/pt.2019.32.3. The film Broken Lullaby ([1932] Ernst Lubitsch) and the novel L’Homme que j’ai tué ([1921, 1925, 1930] Maurice Rostand) are seen to be the main inspirations for Frantz (2016) by François Ozon. On the basis of methodology broadly understood as the concept of bringing into relief (Domański, 1992, 2002), this article aims to demonstrate the means by which the French director expanded upon the literary-film material, imbuing it with a totally singular meaning. Ozon’s inventiveness did notlimit itself to transformations typical for adaptations, but ventured towards feature film understood as a synthetic work of art that by exploiting the audiovisual properties of the medium itself, acts as a unifying force of poetry (Verlaine, Banville), music (Chopin, Debussy) and painting (Manet). The famous poem recited by the heroine, Ann, Chanson d’automne (Paul Verlaine), serves as the analytical starting point for the above. It is thus used as a pivot for the entire film, a veritable lodestarfor guiding motifs, allowing important aspects of the film to be highlighted and consequently, bring its main theme to the fore.
EN
If Milos’s Forman target in Amadeus was to present Mozart’s music as dramatis personae, then in Goya’s Ghosts everything revolves around the paintings of Goya, which he perceives in a way that is not based on the artist’s biography. He was far from wanting to direct a movie about Goya, as he cared solely about picturing the demons that were haunting the artist. His point of view on the works of this great Spaniard was one of widely understood referentiality that stemmed from his being convinced of the documental understanding of historical facts. This is noticable both in reference to Los Caprichos (1797-1798) and to Los desastres de la Guerra (1810-1820), but mostly it evinces itself in paintings crafted for the court and paintings that were created to document Spanish protest against the French occupants who had occupied Goya’s fatherland. It helped to integrate paintings showing Madrid and its surroundings into a flow of movie pictures, which determined the notability of Forman’s film, but it also led to the non-recognition of the agenda of freedom inscribed in Goya’s creations; the consequences were that Forman misread the painter’s intentions and interpreted both of the oeuvres too realistically – Los Caprichos and Los desastres de la guerra, not excluding such works as historical paintings and portraits. The summary includes remarks about visible transfer from formal art to informal art, from manor painting to the intronisation of “liberalism in art”.
PL
Madrid on film and in painting. About Goya’s Ghosts by Milos Forman If Milos’s Forman target in Amadeus was to present Mozart’s music as dramatis personae, then in Goya’s Ghosts everything revolves around the paintings of Goya, which he perceives in a way that is not based on the artist’s biography. He was far from wanting to direct a movie about Goya, as he cared solely about picturing the demons that were haunting the artist. His point of view on the works of this great Spaniard was one of widely understood referentiality that stemmed from his being convinced of the documental understanding of historical facts. This is noticable both in reference to Los Caprichos (1797-1798) and to Los desastres de la Guerra (1810-1820), but mostly it evinces itself in paintings crafted for the court and paintings that were created to document Spanish protest against the French occupants who had occupied Goya’s fatherland. It helped to integrate paintings showing Madrid and its surroundings into a flow of movie pictures, which determined the notability of Forman’s film, but it also led to the non-recognition of the agenda of freedom inscribed in Goya’s creations; the consequences were that Forman misread the painter’s intentions and interpreted both of the oeuvres too realistically – Los Caprichos and Los desastres de la guerra, not excluding such works as historical paintings and portraits. The summary includes remarks about visible transfer from formal art to informal art, from manor painting to the intronisation of “liberalism in art”.
11
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Jerzy Wójcik – estetyka światła

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EN
The article shows the creative way of Jerzy Wójcik, from his first artistic trials to the beginning of his career as a cameraman with Andrzej Munk, Andrzej Wajda and Jerzy Kawalerowicz, to his late films made together with Stanisław Różewicz. Particularly significant are the “changes of light”, the key to understanding the art of Wójcik’s films. They are examined one by one in reference to such issues as the depth system, the aesthetics of black-and-white and grey, the art of the icon and the blue hour. 
PL
The study concerns the effectiveness of EU Post-Soviet Central Asian policy. The analysis of the EU strategy leads to two questions: why and how EU wants to engage this politically challenging region in the Post-Soviet Space. Regardless of satisfaction of EU bureaucracy with at best mediocre effects of undertaken actions, independent analysts perspective leads to a conclusion that EU does not use its own potential in the most effective way and its activity is sometimes more damaging than productive in terms of managing own assets as well as building its international reputation.
PL
China’s Power seems to be beyond discussion. People’s Republic of China (PRC) is the fourth biggest state in the world and its population accounts for one sixth of the human race. The Middle Kingdom’s economy is booming, its international status rises, its middle class is growing. All these features prove that PRC has a great political and economic potential. However, the future of China is not yet certain. Political elites of the state will have to face a series of challenges, concerning demography, coexistence of communist state with market economy, rising competition on energy markets, etc. Identifying these potential threats for PRC’s future development is crucial both for the Middle Kingdom in regards to its internal and international politics, and for foreign Powers in regards to their future agenda concerning relations with China.
PL
Wydarzenia polityczne, które miały miejsce pod koniec 2003 roku w Gruzji, na Ukrainie w 2004 roku i w 2005 roku w Kirgistanie są popularnie zwany Rose, Orange i Tulip Revolution lub zbiorowo: kolor rewolucje w przestrzeni poradzieckiej. Na pierwszy rzut oka określenie "rewolucja" może wydawać się odpowiednie. Rewolucje kolorystyczne spowodowały zmianę reżimu we wszystkich trzech stanach. Jednak z perspektywy dziesięcioletniej można zauważyć, że rewolucyjne zmiany w systemach politycznych Gruzji, Ukrainy i Kirgistanu w rzeczywistości nie miały miejsca. Post-rewolucyjny rzeczywistość: wojna rosyjsko-gruzińska i oskarżenia przeciwko rewolucyjnym prezydentem Gruzji Micheilem Saakaszwilim, niesławny zakończenie kariery politycznej rewolucyjnego lider Wiktor Juszczenko tylko czterech lat po pomarańczowej rewolucji i spektakularnego upadku Wiktora Janukowycza reżim, który doprowadził do hybrydycznej wojny z Rosją, lub ciągła niestabilność Kirgistanu po wydarzeniach rewolucyjnych z 2005 r. wymagają jeszcze innego wglądu w to, co wydarzyło się w Tbilisi, Kijowie i Biszkeku. Bez dogłębnej analizy wydarzeń niemożliwe jest zrozumienie podstawowej społecznej i politycznej dynamiki obecnych i przyszłych zmian w Europie Wschodniej, na Kaukazie lub w Azji Środkowej. Ponowna ocena Color Revolutions ma jednak nie tylko historyczne znaczenie. Jest to także uniwersalna lekcja dotycząca najważniejszym wyzwaniem, że wszystkie demokratyczne ruchy społeczne działające w autorytarnych lub post-autorytarnych członkowskie muszą stawić czoła: jak zarządzać dużą skalę protesty obywatelskie nieposłuszeństwo o zawiedzionego społeczeństwa, podczas gdy rządy rządzące nie przestrzegają zasady demokratyczne i społeczność międzynarodowa nie rozumieją w pełni znaczenia zachodzących zmian.
EN
The political events that took place at the end of 2003 in Georgia, in 2004 in Ukraine and in 2005 in Kyrgyzstan are popularly called the Rose, Orange and Tulip Revolution or collectively: the Colour Revolutions in the post-Soviet space. At first glance the term "revolution" may seem appropriate. The Colour Revolutions have resulted in the regime change in all the three states. However, from a decade-long perspective one may notice that the revolutionary changes in the political systems of Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan did not actually take place. The post-revolutionary reality: the Russian-Georgian war and criminal charges against the revolutionary Georgian President Micheil Saakashvili, the infamous ending to the political career of the revolutionary leader Victor Yushchenko just four year after the Orange Revolution and the spectacular collapse of the Victor Yanukovych regime, which led to a hybrid warfare with Russia, or Kyrgyzstan's permanent political instability following the revolutionary events of 2005 require yet another insight into what has happened in Tbilisi, Kiev, and Bishkek. Without an in-depth analysis of the events, it is impossible to understand the fundamental social and political dynamics of the ongoing and future changes in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus or Central Asia. The re-evaluation of the Colour Revolutions is not only of historical importance, though. It is also a universal lesson concerning the most important challenge that all the democratic social movements active in the authoritarian or post-authoritarian states have to face: how to manage large-scale civil disobedience protests of a disappointed society while the ruling governments do not follow democratic rules and the international community does not fully comprehend the significance of the ongoing changes.
PL
The article presents an analysis of the Orange Revolution and its influence on the political system of Ukraine. Generally, the events of 2004 are perceived as a democratic breakthrough in the modern political history of this country. In reality it turned out to be a revolution only by name. Behind a democratic façade the socalled revolution turned into an act of disobedience of disappointed clannish and oligarchic structures to the former president, Leonid Kuchma. The international observers had an impression, that Ukrainian events were a continuation of the democratization processes started by the fall of the Soviet Union. The article seeks answers to the questions concerning the true nature of the events of 2004 in Kiev, how were they influenced by the post-soviet experiences of the Ukrainian state and society, and finally was the Orange Revolution truly a step toward democratization of the post-soviet space?
PL
The goal of the study is to analyze the non‑Western interpretations of sustainable development concept and the role of international organizations and international public goods in their potential realization. Numerous political and economic contradictions generated by the experiences of colonization and decolonization of the region make Western and regional understanding of the concept substantially different. While from the global perspective it is perceived as an imperative, locally it may be interpreted as a veiled form of neocolonialism. The differences result in wide range of problems, from minor misunderstandings to open resentment. The goal of the article is to prove that regional international organizations and international public goods have the potential to become a key to develop mutually acceptable form of sustainable development concept and practice.
PL
Rapid growth of China’s demand for fuels, especially oil, caused by dynamic  economic growth of the PRC, is one of the sources of fundamental changes in  international energy policy and in international relations as such. The rate of  growth of China’s demand for fuels combined with similar trends in other developing  countries will influence the level of global prices of these fuels. It can also  become the source of political crisis’ in international race to secure access to them.  A question arises: what are the possible consequences of Chinese energy policy  for international environment, particularly in the oil sector? Analysis of China’s  energy profi le and the directions of expansion caused by it, leads to a conclusion  that PRC does not express tendencies to participate in conflicts. The possibilities of  conflicts are more likely to arise due to actions of China’s potential enemies among  developed countries that may perceive the growth of PRC international standing as  a danger to their own position or to position of other developing states whose  demand for fuels increases as fast as China’s.
EN
The study concerns the relations between the Polish Constitution of 1997 and the regulations of EU treaties in the area of granting EU citizens who are not Polish citizens electoral rights on the territory of the Polish state. These rights refer to active and passive electoral law with regard to elections to the European Parliament and to local self-government (commune). Electoral rights are treated as an institution intended only for Polish citizens. Thus there is a situation of incompatibility between the constitutional standard and the electoral rights of all EU citizens. This problem has been considered by the Polish Constitutional Tribunal, but due to its complexity and its systemic nature has not been resolved.
EN
In 2002 Poland introduced the principle of direct elections of executive bodies of municipalities. Currently there is a discussion regarding the possible limitation of holding this office to two terms. This article describes the legislative issues related to adoption of such a solution. The main part is devoted to the compliance of such a proposal with international standards, including the European Union law and the European Charter of Local Self-Government. Besides the author discusses national constitutional standards regarding election of local government bodies. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the proposed restriction is compatible with both all the above-mentioned legal orders.
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