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Problémy interpretace dějin Černé Hory

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This text deals with a synthesis of the history of Montenegro published last year. The review considers it to be a significant contribution to both Czech and European research in the history of this state, as well as of the whole of the Balkan Peninsula. It values highly that the publication is well researched factwise and that it represents the culmination of the author’s long-standing and comprehensive researches into this part of Southeast Europe. It appreciates highly the comprehensiveness of interpretation (in particular the high standard of chapters on the cultural development and bilateral relations of Montenegro with the Czech Lands, alongside its accuracy of factography and accessibility for readers. Yet, on the other hand this review points out some interpretationally disputable sections in which the author did not succeed in separating himself sufficiently from the intentionally misrepresented nationalist narrative of Montenegran history. Further critical remarks refer to, amongst others, the relationships to the Serbian nationalist movement and Serbian social and power elites; the events of World War II; the assessment of the role and importance of the supporters of Montenegran autonomy or independence after World War I, yet also in the first half of the 1990s.
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This study is a contribution to the analysis of the development of ethnic relations in Croatia during the period of the so-called "mass movement". Its primary aim is to describe to what extent problems associated with the ethnic question were present in the public sphere in the second-largest republic of the Yugoslav Federation in the first half of 1971. On the basis of detailed analysis of all of the formats of text published in Vjesnik, the most important Croatian daily newspaper, we have attempted to determine to what extent the population of Croatia in the first six months of 1971 had the possibility of acquiring information about inter-ethnic relations within the framework of their own republic from this daily paper. For comparison, we have supplemented the research with analysis of texts published in the period studied by by the most significant Serbian daily Politika that relate to the ethnic question in Croatia.
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This study is one of the pilot attempts at analyzing the state, intensity, and development of institutional political repression in Yugoslavia in the first years after the death of president Josip Broz Tito in May 1980. It is primarily based on a detailed analysis of two compendious internal documents produced for the top leaders of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), which register persons imprisoned for political reasons in Yugoslavia in November 1980 and November 1982. On the basis of a detailed analysis of these two voluminous documents, it registers the numbers of political offenders and the categories of crimes they were imprisoned for. It captures the regional affiliations of persons who were imprisoned for political reasons, as well as their ethnic identities, gender, and ages. It shows what changes had taken place in these indicators in 1982 in comparison with the situation two years earlier.
EN
This study engages with the last stage of Czechoslovak-Yugoslav relations in the era of left-authoritarian regimes. Primarily on the basis of analyses of archival documents that were created through the activities of corresponding party and state institutions in both countries, it deals with transformations in the character of the bilateral contacts and their most important spheres. It demonstrates that already by the end of the first half of the 1980s any remaining distrust and ideologically-motivated suspicion that had been typical in these bilateral relations since the rift between Stalin and Tito, or more precisely, since the renewal of relations in 1954, had disappeared. Cooperation between the two countries had been further complicated to varying extents by problems of a secondary or rather tertiary degree of importance, such as the Czechoslovaks’ strongly negative balance in payments, the ongoing numerous emigration of citizens of the ČSSR to countries in the West through Yugoslav territory, and Belgrade’s dissatisfaction with the number of students of Yugoslav studies in Czechoslovak universities. As a consequence of Gorbachev’s reform, the Czechoslovak leadership was increasingly isolated from the rest of the world and feverishly sought a new political concept that would enable it to hold onto its political dominance; thus, it attempted to carry several aspects of Yugoslav socialist self-management into its governing bodies. Some of Czechoslovakia’s top political functionaries even began to look upon socialist Yugoslavia as a potential close ally, with which a more intense bilateral cooperation would replace relationship with states in the Soviet sphere of influence that were problematic or already petering out.
EN
This study analyzes the broad and many-layered complex of relations between Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia in the years 1980–1985, a period symbolically delimited by the deaths of Josip Broz Tito and Konstantin Chernenko. From this period onward, the bilateral political contacts were still powerfully influenced by the residue of mistrust and suspicion that had arisen earlier. At the same time, however – particularly under the influence of the conspicuous deterioration of the leftist authoritarian regimes in Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia – the Belgrade and, particularly, Prague governments began to seek paths to rapprochement with the partner country. Some of the areas where this took place were the development of trade and other forms of economic commitments, the growth of Czechoslovak tourism in the eastern Adriatic region, and generally, in cultural cooperation. In the bilateral contacts there were still lingering manifestations of potential conflicts (the relationship with the Yugoslav émigré community in the years 1948–1953, approaches to the Macedonian question, the emigration of citizens of the ČSSR through Yugoslavia to the West). Their influence on the mutual cooperation of these countries in the period analyzed weakend gradually rather than precipitously.
EN
Based on the analysis of documents from the Czechoslovak and Yugoslav archive collections, the paper deals with the emigration of Czechoslovak citizens to the West through the territory of socialist Yugoslavia. Even though this phenomenon appeared already in the 1960s with the boom of Czechoslovak mass tourism on the Adriatic coast, our chronological focus lies on the 1970s and 1980s. During this period of so-called “normalisation”, the Yugoslav road became one of the most important paths of emigration to the Western countries. The paper argues that despite the efforts of Czechoslovak communist government to hinder the emigration, the urgent need to grant the raising consumption demands on the side of citizens, drove Husák’s leadership to gradually loosen the requirements for tourist trips to Yugoslavia. Thus, in the mid-1980 far more than half a million of Czechoslovaks were allowed to spend their vacations on the Yugoslav sea per year, even if thousands of them used this opportunity to flee to the West.
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