The article focuses on the image of the three rulers of the Lagid Dynasty: Ptolemy IV, Ptolemy VI and Ptolemy VIII, which was included in the sources, The Histories by Polybius in particular the ancient tradition is especially hostile towards Ptolemy IV and Ptolemy VIII, who are presented as the rulers neglecting state matters, concentrated on their own pleasures and, particularly in the case of Ptolemy VIII, cruel. Polybius’ most serious charge leveled against Ptolemy IV concerns his idleness as well as leading an inept foreign policy. In the light of the assessment of Ptolemy IV’s reign, Polybius’ opinion is not completely justified. On can judge that Ptolemy IV’s lifestyle decidedly influenced the opinion concerning his reign. It cannot be ruled out, however, that what we have to deal with in this case is the Ptolemies’ and the antique authors’ different understanding of the concept of tryphé (trufἠ). Affluence as a means of the possibilities of acting and the manifestation of splendour of the monarchy’s power was the idea that formed the basis of the concept of tryphé in the Ptolemies’ propaganda and ideology. Tryphé was the sign of the dynasty’s power, prosperity and constituted a complement of one of the most important elements of the Hellenistic kings’ propaganda, that is euergetism. The concept of tryphé was, nevertheless, ambiguous. In the light of the antique accounts, the understanding of the above concept was dominated by the pejorative aspects, such as a passion for luxury and a riotous lifestyle, which led to debauchery and effeminacy. At least a part of the opinions included in the antique sources can be explained just by the differences in the perception of the concept of tryphé on the part of the Ptolemies and Greek intellectuals. It does not concern only Ptolemy IV and Ptolemy VIII, but also Ptolemy VI, who was very positively presented in the antique tradition. Despite all his real liking for him, Polybius points out his tendency to live life to the full in an excessive manner. Tryphé constituted, however, a significant element of the Lagids’ ideology and it is difficult to suppose that the members of the dynasty consistently used the means which fell on barren ground. Even if the Ptolemies could not reach the intellectual elites in this way, the manifestation of tryphé brought results in the case of the other recipients, such as the ordinary subjects who were supposed to admire the splendour and affluence of the dynasty. When it comes to the representatives of culture and science, the Ptolemies successfully managed to get through to them in different ways, for instance by the acts of euergetism or by providing patronage for culture and science. Nonetheless, tryphé in a considerable way influenced the way in which the Ptolemies were perceived by ancient authors.
The cult of the Ptolemies spread in various ways. Apart from the Lagids, the initiative came from poleis themselves; private cult was also very important. The ruler cult, both that organised directly by the Ptolemaic authorities and that established by poleis, was tangibly beneficial for the Ptolemaic foreign policy. The dynastic cult became one of the basic instruments of political activity in the region, alongside acts of euergetism. It seems that Ptolemy II played the biggest role in introducing the ruler cult as a foreign policy measure. He was probably responsible for bringing his father’s nickname Soter to prominence. He also played the decisive role in popularising the cult of Arsinoe II, emphasising her role as protector of sailors and guarantor of the monarchy’s prosperity and linking her to cults accentuating the warrior nature of female deities. Ptolemy II also used dynastic festivals as vehicles of dynastic propaganda and ideology and a means to popularise the cult. The ruler cult became one of the means of communication between the subordinate cities and the Ptolemies. It also turned out to be an important platform in contacts with the poleis which were loosely or not at all subjugated by the Lagids. The establishment of divine honours for the Ptolemies by a polis facilitated closer relations and created a friendly atmosphere and a certain emotional bond. The ruler cult also offered many possibilities for Greek cities. Granting kings divine honours was not only an expression of the city’s gratefulness for the experienced kindness, but also a way of securing the king’s continued favour.
The second half of the 3rd century saw the Seleucid monarchy weaken considerably. The reign of Seleucus II brought difficult battles against Ptolemy III Euergetes (the Third Syrian War) and attempts to overcome massive internal problems. During the war against Egypt, he ultimately managed to recapture northern Syria but Ptolemy III held on to the port of Seleucia Pieria, which was key for the Seleucids, and captured a number of places in Asia Minor. It was there that the Seleucids suffered their greatest territorial losses - they lost almost all their footholds on the coasts of Cilicia, Lycia, Caria and Ionia. The Egyptian king even seized Ainos and Maronea on the Thracian coast. What also had an impact on Seleucus II losing his influences in Asia Minor was his fratricidal war against Antiochus Hierax, backed by the kings of Pergamon, Capadocia and Bithynia. The defeated Seleucus had to reconcile himself with his brother's independence in Asia Minor, the latter, however, subsequently suffered a defeat in his war against Pergamon, which ultimately led to the Seleucids losing their Asian Minor territories. The dynasty also faced enormous challenges in the East, where Bactria and Sogdiana seceded, and Parthia was seized by the Parni.
The main aim of the article is to create a psychological profile of people from the North Caucasus who have voluntarily joined the Islamic State and fight in its ranks. In addition, it determines motives that govern these individuals and describes what mechanisms are used during volunteers’ recruitment. Threats to international security created by North Caucasian militants after the fall of the Islamic State were also analyzed.
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