W artykule postawiono tezę, że komunikowanie między osobami sprawnymi i z niepełnosprawnością może być uznane za jedną z podkategorii komunikacji międzykulturowej, a tym samym stać się elementem edukacji międzykulturowej. Taka koncepcja wykracza poza tradycyjne ujmowanie wielokulturowości, które najczęściej widziane jest w perspektywie narodowej i etnicznej. W artykule zbiorowości niepełnosprawnych przypisano status grupy mniejszościowej, pod wieloma względami „obcej” członkom grupy dominującej. Jak pokazano w części empirycznej, przywołane kategorie analityczne, takie jak uprzedzenia, stereotypy, niepewność, komunikowanie werbalne i niewerbalne, okazują się tak samo przydatne do zrozumienia relacji niepełnosprawnych z innymi, jak do relacji Polak–Niemiec, i w obu przypadkach pełnią funkcję kulturowej bariery w komunikacji. Pożądane wydaje się wdrożenie edukacji wielokulturowej, która obejmie swym zasięgiem również przypadek relacji osób sprawnych i z niepełnosprawnością.
EN
In the article, a thesis is advanced that communication between fully-abled and disabled persons can be considered as one of the subcategories of intercultural communication and thus may become a component of intercultural education. This concept exceeds the traditional recognition of multiculturalism, which most often is seen in the national and ethnic perspective. In the article, the population with disabilities is perceived as a group of minority status, in many respects “unfamiliar” to the members of a dominant group. As shown in the empirical part, invoked analytical categories, such as prejudices, stereotypes, uncertainty, verbal and non – verbal communication, appear to be equally useful for the understanding of the relationship of the disabled persons and the rest of the society, as for the understanding of the relationship of the Poles – Germans , and in both cases fulfill the function of cultural barriers in communication. Thus it seems desirable to implement multicultural education, which will take into consideration also the case of relationships of fully-abled and disabled persons.
On Polish-Ukrainian neighbourhood. In reaction to Wojtek Smarzowski's movie 'Volhynia'The article attempts at answering the question whether the movie “Volhynia” (pl. Wołyń) translates into the Polish-Ukrainian relationship and, if yes, how? Does Smarzowski’s work play bigger role in the construction of the relation between the nations or rather in the construction of one nation’s certain identity project? In the search of the data necessary to provide an answer, I have conducted a content analysis of the discourse created after the movie premiere as well as a questionnaire study among the students of the social sciences. The conclusions arising from the performed analyses are ambiguous-on the one hand, historical events determine the view of the neighbours; on the other hand, Volhynia understood as a memorial appears not be included in the modern Ukrainianness. Hence, it seems that the most accurate ascertainment is that while in certain social circles the movie “Volhynia” became a factor activating particularly intensive observation of the neighbour (or mutual observation), in others it did not evoke any change in the attitude towards the Ukraine and Ukrainians. O sąsiedztwie polsko-ukraińskim. W reakcji na film „Wołyń” Wojtka SmarzowskiegoCelem artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy, i ewentualnie jak, film „Wołyń” przekłada się na relacje polsko-ukraińskie? Czy dzieło Smarzowskiego większą rolę odgrywa w budowaniu relacji miedzy narodami, czy raczej w budowaniu pewnego projektu tożsamościowego jednego narodu. W poszukiwaniu danych niezbędnych do udzielenia odpowiedzi przeprowadzono analizę zawartości dyskursu wytworzonego po wejściu filmu na ekrany oraz przeprowadziłam badanie ankietowe wśród studentów nauk społecznych. Wnioski jakie płyną w prowadzonych analiz są niejednoznaczne – z jednej strony zaszłości historyczne determinują postrzeganie sąsiadów, z drugiej strony Wołyń rozumiany jako miejsce pamięci wydaje się być bytem nie wchodzącym we współczesną ukraińskość. Tym samym najtrafniejsza okazuje się konstatacja, że film „Wołyń” stał się czynnikiem aktywizującym postrzeganie sąsiada (a nawet wzajemne sąsiadów) w niektórych kręgach społecznych szczególnie intensywnie, by w innych nie wywołać w postawach wobec Ukraińców i Ukrainy żadnej zmiany.
Normalization of Polish-German neighbourly relations includes among others a change in the memory of Poles and Germans about their common past. One of the instruments of this change is art. That is why the article makes empirical reference to the exhibition “Side by Side. Poland-Germany. 1000 Years of History in Art.” In connection with this exhibition the question is considered who and how (by what means of probing memory), by the implication of what content (of the exhibition) rebuilds (or perhaps constructs) the memory of Polish-German neighbourly relations? In expounding those crucial issues emphasis is placed on their vague dimensions – new opportunities offered by the museum exhibition, difficulties in an unambiguous reception of the message it carries, difficulties in identifying the authors of the message and the creators of this event and – what seems to be especially important – the role of state authorities in this process.
The article aims to draw attention to the political character of the category of national minorities and the consequences this has for sociological reflection. The political character of the national minority category consists, among others, in the method of officially distinguishing them, their institutionalization and legitimization. Sociologists dealing with ethnic issues to a greater or lesser degree, more or less consciously – in the process of creating theory and empirical practice – succumb to categories developed in the sphere of politics. The examples of a thus problematized relation discussed in the article pertain on the one hand to the sociological distinguishing of the category of minorities, while on the other hand, concern the usage of data gathered in the National Census with his all political implications.
From the moment academics began to reflect on the divided towns of the Polish-German border their investigations were directed to such phenomena as cooperation, closer relations, unification, connection, integration, becoming similar, and overcoming barriers, as is clearly observable in the publications that emerged in the 1970s, the period of the first post-war opening of the Polish-German border for passport-free traffic. This article addresses the validity and usefulness of such a perspective on divided towns. Do the researchers not tacitly yield to the conviction that integration is the only reasonable destiny for divided towns and does this conviction not tend to be based on a theory of horizontal Europeanization? Should opposing, or at least slightly different scenarios, not be considered? While searching to answer these questions and attempting to dispel doubts the author makes use of empirical studies conducted in the Polish-German borderland.
Some consider the multiculturality of Wrocław to be its obvious and socially legitimised “property”, whereas others view it as controversial and refutable construct. In the paper, we would like to investigate the multiculturality of the Lower Silesia’s capital taking into account its internal differentiation, which is mostly due to the adjudicating authorities – city authorities, its citizens and researchers - as well as observable dynamics. Hence, we propose to inspect the following: firstly, the real differentiation of the social structure of Wrocław’s inhabitants and its transformations related mostly to the influx of Ukrainians, who change the ethnic cityscape; secondly, the politics of municipal authorities regarding the promotion and strengthening of the city’s image as the multicultural, open and tolerant “meeting place”, as well as initiatives inscribed therein and other observable, contradictory events; thirdly, the evaluation of Wrocław’s multiculturality and its selected aspects performed by the city’s inhabitants and revealed in the research on this phenomenon in 2011 and in two editions of Social Diagnosis of Wrocław (2014 and 2017).
History is undoubtedly for the respondents an element creating the modern image of Wrocław as a multicultural city. However, when summing up we have to emphasise that in terms of relation to the heritage of other cultures they go beyond the conflict axis described at the beginning of this article — thus they are neither strong admirers nor strong opponents of making the heritage of other nations the main element of their private homeland, even though they appreciate its importance both for Wrocław’s history and contemporary situation. This translates into a conviction that it is worth caring for traces of other cultures in the city, even though not necessarily without any limits. The examined residents of Wrocław in general terms spoke about the city’s own history and the arguments about Wrocław’s multi historical nature, including the heritage of other cultures (first of all German still) were rather superficial and referred to the most visible, even symbolic, historical objects in the urban space.
The article is supposed to be an opinion in the discussion over the state and prospects of modern research on multiculturalism. Taking into account the importance of this phenomenon in the contemporary reality and a variety of approaches both to the way it is defined as well as to its numerous examples, there was made an attempt to delineate multiculturalism as a complex social-cultural phenomenon in Central Eastern European context whose subjects are constituted by all ethnic groups living on this area. This complexity can be seen on four levels of multiculturalism. On the level of ‘empirical state of issues’ (demographic); social awareness; a political one and a marketing one. Theoretical bases characterizing the specified levels are being consistently connected with methodological proposals within which some guidelines allowing for the specifics of a particular level are presented. These are: a given research/analysis subject and the way of obtaining data — both of a qualitative and quantitative type. The need to carry out—on various levels—the research on multiculturalism in Central Eastern Europe is at the same time connected with a pursuit of the reflection of the specifics of multiculturalism in this part of Europe so that this peculiarity avoids being treated as a ‘copy’ of the Western European version.
The main aim of the article refers to an attempt of outlining the image that the contemporary inhabitants of Wrocław have towards Lithuania and Lithuanians. In order to deal with it, we are going to present some data from relevant surveys as well as a fragment of the results coming from our own sociological research, and what comes out of it shall be applied to a broader theoretical context. The step that should make it easier to fully understand the problem is a short note on the relations between these two countries and nations in the past as well as present.
Celem prezentowanego artykułu jest analiza praktyk transgranicznych i deklarowanych dyspozycji do określonych zachowań przez mieszkańców Zgorzelca i Gubina. Przyjęte na jej użytek wskaźniki (dotyczące zróżnicowanych motywacji do przekraczania granicy, otwartości na wypełnianie przez niemieckich sąsiadów ról społecznych w otoczeniu mieszkańców obu miast oraz postrzegania priorytetów w zakresie współpracy transgranicznej) pozwalają odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy praktyki te są ukierunkowane pragmatycznie, instrumentalnie czy też autotelicznie. Podstawą dla poszukiwań badawczych są wyniki badań ilościowych przeprowadzonych w 2010 roku w Zgorzelcu i w 2012 roku w Gubinie, a obrazujące postrzeganie przez mieszkańców obu miast ich pogranicznego położenia.
EN
The goal of this article is to analyse cross-border practices and the dispositions to such practices declared by the inhabitants of Zgorzelec and Gubin. For this purpose, we made use of indicators concerning differentiated motivations to cross the border, openness to take on social roles by German neighbours in the environment of inhabitants of both cities and the perception of priorities in the area of cross-border cooperation. These indicators allow us to answer the question whether these practices are pragmatically, instrumentally or autotelically motivated. The research is based on the results of a quantitative study carried out in 2010 in Zgorzelec and in 2012 in Gubin. The study concerned the perception of the cross-border situation of both cities by their inhabitants.
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