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1
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Przyjaźń w ujęciu Jana Kasjana

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2006
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vol. 49
471-481
IT
Dal punto di vista antropologico, l’amicizia fu sempre considerata come una delle relazioni necessarie della natura umana. Di tale relazione scrissero vari autori pagani e cristiani, ma tra i Padri e Dottori della Chiesa nessuno ne aveva fatto un trattato speciale prima di Giovanni Cassiano, grande maestro di ascesi monastica.
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Initium fidei w ujęciu Jana Kasjana

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2014
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vol. 61
359-371
EN
The problem of the „beginning of faith” (initium fidei) was among those which vividly captured the attention of theologians at the beginning of the 5th century, particularly in the wider context of the controversy concerning the relationship be­tween free will and God’s grace in the work of salvation. Generally it is assumed that John Cassian, concerned, on the one hand, to show the Pelagians the neces­sity of grace and the radical Augustinians, on the other, the need for cooperation with the work of divine grace, failed to avoid errors which would subsequently be referred to as semi-pelagianism. With regard to the „beginning of faith”, his error is supposed to consist in the fact that the salvific initiative could derive from man. This view, however, derives from an over simplification of the thought of the Abbot of St. Victor: not only because most of his comments underline the neces­sity for grace in order for faith to begin in man (theological argument), but also because even in his rare „semipelagian” affirmations Cassian speaks of scintilla of good will in man, without however calling this the moment of faith strictly under­stood (philological argument). Above all, however, it is forgotten that for Cassian, who was educated in the spirit of oriental theology, salvation is simultaneously divine and human and lacks any form of „arithmetical” parity between God and man, which would make man an equal partner with God in the work of salvation. For Cassian, everything concerning the primacy of God in salvation is beyond question and human efforts are nothing other than the response expected by the Divine Pedagogue of His pupils as He leads them along the path of salvation, from the initium fidei to its end.
3
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Męczennicy Afryki Północnej w Martyrologium Rzymskim

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2019
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vol. 72
49-66
EN
As is commonly known, Christianity reached the territories of North Africa relatively early, and its development was so dynamic that it surprises historians. In seeking an explanation of this phenomenon, many point to the line of one of its representatives, Tertullian: “the blood of the martyrs is the seed of Christians”. If that was the case, how many martyrs were there in the African Church? In which period and for what reason were they killed? Answers to these and other questions were searched for in the Roman Martyrology, a book that essentially is liturgical, but also contain some documentary elements. This study has led to a deepening of our knowledge of the martyrs of North Africa as it gave some at least general information about the time of the persecutions, the cities in which they took place, the numbers of the martyrs, their social status, and above all about their attitude in the face of death that in most cases was cruel. This information is precious, not only because martyrdom is a key factor for the understanding of Christian antiquity, but also because it is rarely mentioned in historical publications of our country.
PL
Jak powszechnie wiadomo chrześcijaństwo dotarło na tereny Afryki Północnej relatywnie wcześnie, a jego rozwój był tam tak dynamiczny, że zdumiewa historyków. Szukając wyjaśnienia tego fenomenu afrykańskiego Kościoła wielu wskazuje na słowa jednego z jego przedstawicieli – Tertuliana, że „nasieniem chrześcijan jest krew męczenników”? Jeśli tak, to ilu ich było? W jakim okresie i z jakiego powodu ponosili najczęściej męczeństwo? Na te i inne pytania poszukiwaliśmy odpowiedzi w Martyrologium Rzymskim, księdze wprawdzie liturgicznej, ale zawierającej również    elementy dokumentalne. W wyniku naszych badań udało nam się, jak sądzimy, pogłębić chociaż trochę naszą wiedzę o męczennikach Afryki Północnej, uzyskując przynajmniej ogólną wiedzę o czasie prześladowań, miastach w których miały one miejsce, o liczbie męczenników i ich statusie społecznym, a przede wszystkim o postawie męczenników w obliczu okrutnej najczęściej śmierci. Informacje te mogą być cenne, nie tylko dlatego, że problem męczeństwa jest kluczowy dla zrozumienia starożytności chrześcijańskiej, ale również dlatego, że jest on mało obecny w publikacjach historycznych w naszym kraju.
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Przebóstwienie człowieka w pismach Jana Kasjana

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2015
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vol. 63
185-197
EN
One of the principal ideas in oriental anthropology is that of the divinization of man. The author studies this idea in John Cassian and draws the conclusion that not only was it known to Cassian, but indeed it is the filter through which he views the question of grace. The author arrives at this conclusion, above all, by underlin­ing oriental monasticism as the original context of the theology of divinization. Cassian was trained as a theologian and monk in this very ambience. All of the elements of the concept of divinization are present in the writings of Cassian and the two biblical models for the qšwsij of man – its creation of man in the image and likeness of God (Gen 1: 26-27) and the Transfiguration on Mount Tabor (Mt 17: 1-8; Mc 9: 2-8; Lc 9: 28-36) – are widely commented on by Cassian and form the basis of his theological and ascetical teaching. Cassian’s doctrine on grace, which is deeply penetrated by the concept of divinization, propounds the idea that, after original sin, the likeness of God in man is destroyed, but the image of God in man – reason, free will, and conscience – remains. The grace of God, perceived through the prism of divinization, in Cassian implies not a “resurrection” of the dead nature of man, but a strengthening of his relationship with God, a passage from the condition of “slave” to that of “friend”. This teaching, characterized as it is by a salvific optimism which is typically oriental, according to the author, should no longer be regarded as a form of semipelagianism. Rather, but with due qualification, it should be regarded as a valid and interesting way of speaking on the perennially difficult quaestio of the relationship between grace and free will.
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"Appellatio Flaviani ad papam Leonem" (?). Wokół władzy papieskiej na Wschodzie

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2004
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vol. 46
323-333
IT
Il quesito principale circa l'esercizio dei primato di papa Leone Magno riguarda il genere e la dimensione del suo potere in Oriente: fu soltanto un primato d'onore oppure anche di giurisdizione? Alcuni studiosi si dicono favorevoli a conoscergli un primato di giurisdizione, altri risultano invece contrari a rawisare qua!siasi forma di autoritá giurisdizionale al di fuori del patriarcato romano. Nel 1882 Guerrino Amelii, bibliotecario dellAmbrosiana, presentó l’Appellatio, da lui scoperta, che egli stesso defini come „la piu splendida testimonianza che la storia abbia registrato in favore della suprema giurisdizione della Sede Apostolica su tutta la Chiesa e la prova piu convincente della sua superiorita sopra gli stessi Generali Concili”. La storicita del documento e argomento ancora aperto, ma esso apre, ad ogni modo, uno spiraglio su quella problematica dell'esercizio del primato di papa Leone Magno, che riveste ancor oggi una grande importanza nel contesto del dialogo ecumenico. Questo documento, che comproverebbe il riconoscimento al Pontifece di una responsabilita su tutta la Chiesa quale fondamento di unita dei vescovi e dei cristiani, ispira infatti il dialogo ecumenico, presentando Roma come sede di appello nelle controversie nel rispetto delle istanze intermedie. Questa tematica e tuttora vitale in campo ecumenico come forma di riconoscimento del Primato Pontifece e si rddica nelle consuetudini dei primi tempi della vita della Chiesa.
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Caritas, dilectio, amor w "Collationes patrum" Jana Kasjana

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2008
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vol. 52
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issue 2
729-742
IT
«Amore», vocabolo fondamentale nel cristianesimo, benche oggi piuttosto abusato, e termine a cui si riconnettono, di fatto, accezioni semantiche molteplici. Diviene, dunque, ąuestione di determinante importanza recuperare la comprensione del vocabolo nella Sacra Scrittura e nella Tradizione della Chiesa. Nella Chiesa latina, infatti, il sentimento e la realta delPamore sono stati espressi eon termini diversi: amor, caritas, dilectio, affectio o studium. Tra IV e V secolo, secondo Agostino, essi sono divenuti, peró, ąuasi sinonimi. L’A., traduttore dell’opera di Cassia- no in lingua polacca, pone al riguardo la ąuestione se differenze di campo semantico nel lessico relativo all’«amore» siano presenti negli scritti delPabate marsigliese. A conclusione della ricerca, l’A. constata che le tre fondamentali parole determinanti l’idea di «amore» - caritas, dilectio e amor - non circoscrivono un campo semantico omogeneo e sinonimico, ma un autentico arcipelago di significati che vanno dalPamore in senso fisico alla virtu teologale. Pertanto, nonostante le frequenti analogie concettuali e qualche sovrapposizione d’uso, emergono a pili riprese differenze su cui si intersecano svariati campi semantici. Infine, eon una interessante incursione nelPambito della sociolinguistica, PA. fa emergere Pomologazione del concetto nelle lingue moderne, povere nelle definizioni delPamore e inclini a deno- tarne le sfaccettature, esplicitate eon sottigliezza nelle Conferenze spirituali di Giovanni Cassiano, eon l’impiego di un unico termine.
EN
«Amore», vocabolo fondamentale nel cristianesimo, benche oggi piuttosto abusato, e termine a cui si riconnettono, di fatto, accezioni semantiche molteplici. Diviene, dunque, ąuestione di determinante importanza recuperare la comprensione del vocabolo nella Sacra Scrittura e nella Tradizione della Chiesa. Nella Chiesa latina, infatti, il sentimento e la realta dell'amore sono stati espressi eon termini diversi: amor, caritas, dilectio, affectio o studium. Tra IV e V secolo, secondo Agostino, essi sono divenuti, peró, ąuasi sinonimi. L’A., traduttore dell’opera di Cassiano in lingua polacca, pone al riguardo la ąuestione se differenze di campo semantico nel lessico relativo all’«amore» siano presenti negli scritti delPabate marsigliese. A conclusione della ricerca, l’A. constata che le tre fondamentali parole determinanti l’idea di «amore» - caritas, dilectio e amor - non circoscrivono un campo semantico omogeneo e sinonimico, ma un autentico arcipelago di significati che vanno dalPamore in senso fisico alla virtu teologale. Pertanto, nonostante le frequenti analogie concettuali e qualche sovrapposizione d’uso, emergono a pili riprese differenze su cui si intersecano svariati campi semantici. Infine, eon una interessante incursione nelPambito della sociolinguistica, PA. fa emergere Pomologazione del concetto nelle lingue moderne, povere nelle definizioni delPamore e inclini a deno- tarne le sfaccettature, esplicitate eon sottigliezza nelle Conferenze spirituali di Giovanni Cassiano, eon l’impiego di un unico termine.
PL
«Amore», vocabolo fondamentale nel cristianesimo, benche oggi piuttosto abusato, e termine a cui si riconnettono, di fatto, accezioni semantiche molteplici. Diviene, dunque, ąuestione di determinante importanza recuperare la comprensione del vocabolo nella Sacra Scrittura e nella Tradizione della Chiesa. Nella Chiesa latina, infatti, il sentimento e la realta delPamore sono stati espressi eon termini diversi: amor, caritas, dilectio, affectio o studium. Tra IV e V secolo, secondo Agostino, essi sono divenuti, peró, ąuasi sinonimi. L’A., traduttore dell’opera di Cassiano in lingua polacca, pone al riguardo la ąuestione se differenze di campo semantico nel lessico relativo all’«amore» siano presenti negli scritti dell'abate marsigliese. A conclusione della ricerca, l’A. constata che le tre fondamentali parole determinanti l’idea di «amore» - caritas, dilectio e amor - non circoscrivono un campo semantico omogeneo e sinonimico, ma un autentico arcipelago di significati che vanno dalPamore in senso fisico alla virtu teologale. Pertanto, nonostante le frequenti analogie concettuali e qualche sovrapposizione d’uso, emergono a pili riprese differenze su cui si intersecano svariati campi semantici. Infine, eon una interessante incursione nelPambito della sociolinguistica, PA. fa emergere Pomologazione del concetto nelle lingue moderne, povere nelle definizioni delPamore e inclini a deno- tarne le sfaccettature, esplicitate eon sottigliezza nelle Conferenze spirituali di Giovanni Cassiano, eon l’impiego di un unico termine.
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Kobieta w pismach Jana Kasjana

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2016
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vol. 66
155-168
EN
John Paul II remarked, in his famous Letter to Women, that the “sons of the Church” also contributed to undermining the dignity of women over the centuries. Can John Cassian be counted amongst them? It was he who spread the doctrine of the Desert Fathers in the West, and some, such as Anatole France, accuse them of entertaining hatred towards women. By analysing the writings of John Cassian, we discover, however, that, besides the many interesting texts of his, uncommon in Christian literature, in which he talks of God as a mother, and alongside the fervent invitation to Christians to honour the Blessed Virgin Mary, the texts which concern women contain not a trace of discrimination. In his writings, woman is not inferior to man, either by nature or by virtue. On the contrary, there are times when he holds them out as examples to be followed for their great faith and virtue. If, at times, he also presents woman with reference to some vice, he does so only to illustrate the virtue of some other person. Generally speaking, therefore, the vision of woman found in his writings is basically positive, and it finds a place naturally in his ascetical doctrine of mediocritas. It was certainly not he who, by his writings, contributed to undermining the dignity of women.
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Poeta poranka i wieczoru. Hymny św. Ambrożego w Liturgii godzin

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2012
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vol. 57
437-451
EN
Following the example of the Lord, who frequently sang hymns with his dis­ciples, and encouraged to sing by St Paul, the early Christians praised God in music and song. The first Latin hymns were composed by Hilary of Poitiers. Their metrical complexity and content discouraged their liturgical use by the Church. Thus, St. Ambrose of Milan is considered the first „official” Latin hymnodist. He composed several hymns, still used in the Liturgy of the Hours, which were mu­sicated by himself. These hymns come from the particular circumstances of the Arian controversy and derive, in the main, from the necessity of encouraging „or­thodox” Christians in their defence of the Basilica Porziana in Milan. They were designed to guide their prayer at different times of the day. The Author’s text-critical analysis of two of these hymns – Aeterne rerum conditor, sung at dawn (in gallicinium) and Deus, creator omnium, sung at dusk as the lamps were lit (ad horam incensi) – well testifies to the literary and pastoral genius of the Bishop of Milan as he transforms the complex theological reflection of his time into poetry and music, while not only retaining the integrity of the depth of that reflection but also enhancing its aesthetic profile by drawing on a repertoire of images based on the parallelism of cosmic reality and human reality. St Ambrose’s corpus of hymns, together with his prose works, was admired both by his contemporaries and by successive generations. They promoted the flowering of a merciful Chris­tocentricity which, according to the experts, is the most original and attractive feature of his poetry. As is clearly seen in the hymns received into the Divine Of­fice, Ambrose’s singular ability effectively to stimulate the soul to prayer through a powerful and insuperable lyrical inspiration, is capable literally of transforming the daily hours into songs of praise, and explains Petrarch’s habit of rising during the night to sing hymns to the Lord.
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„Uporządkujcie we mnie miłość” (Pnp 2, 4, LXX) w egzegezie wybranych autorów wschodu i zachodu

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2017
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vol. 67
477-497
EN
“You set charity in order in me” (Song 2:4, LXX) is one of the most funda­mental biblical texts for the concept of the ordo caritatis. The Author seeks to examine how this text was read in the East and West, analysing the commen­tary of three Greek authors (Origen, Gregory of Nyssa and Theodoret of Cyrus), and three Latin authors (Augustine of Hippo, John Cassian and Apponius). There commentaries, he notes, agree with one another for the most part, and refer more or less to Origen’s exegesis of this verse. However, some differences can be noted. The Eastern Fathers, for example, hold that, in the order of charity, the criterion of merit is more important than the criterion of blood relationship; that is to say, the greater love is to be shown to those who have been born in Christ (cf. 1Cor 4:15) over those born of the flesh. Only the Eastern Fathers explore what the ordo caritatis means also in relation to one’s enemies. The Western Fathers, for their part, tend to underline the moral aspect of the ordo caritatis, insofar as upholding that order is virtue, while infringing it is sin. In this regard, a casuistic approach can occur in their commentary more frequently than in those of the Eastern Fathers. The novelty of the commentaries of the Western Fathers is also found in their reflection on the ordo caritatis within the Holy Tri­nity, as well as the manner in which they expand the embrace of this order to other categories of people: friends, fellow citizens, strangers. Some of the Western Fathers (Apponius) apply the ordo caritatis not only to people but also to works of mercy, while others (Augustine) bring out the aesthetic element in the ordo caritatis, noting that the effect of order of any kind, including the order of charity, is beauty.
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Władza złych duchów nad człowiekiem według Jana Kasjana

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2013
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vol. 59
197-208
EN
Much of the literary activity of John Cassian, that supreme master of the spiri­tual life, concentrates on the struggle with the devil, the discernment of his strate­gies, and the search for effective defense mechanisms against his attacks. The question of the power of evil spirits over man also arises. Generally, Cassian’s teaching on this subject of the power of spirits over man strikes a positive note: when faced with diabolic attacks and temptations, man enjoys not only the possi­bility of success but even the possibility of advantage: God Himself, the merciful judge (Collationes Patrum VII 20) watches over man’s struggles to overcome diabolic attacks and in that struggle He favours man. Obviously, since we are talk­ing of a continuous struggle, evil spirits can attempt to, and sometimes even do demonize man – but not because of their desire so to do but because of God will (evil spirits may not do with man as they please but only what God permits them to do). The power of evil spirits over man is therefore limited: a) by the concession of God; and b) by man’s will which possesses „both the freedom of acquiescing to temptation and of repulsing it” (Collationes Patrum VII 8). The general te­nor of Cassian’s teaching, therefore, is permeated by a positivism and is free of any form of fatalism or obsession on matters of demonology, while at the same time conscious of the evil that demonic spirits can exert on man’s body and spirit (soul). He continues to hold that spiritual evil, or vice, is something much more dangerous and to be avoided at all costs. Quoting St. Paul, Cassian assures us that definitive victory belongs to Christ and to his followers: when Christ „hands over the kingdom to God the Father after he has destroyed all dominion, authority and power” (1Cor 15, 24), at that moment, all those who have been held captive by these „dominions”, „authorities” and „powers” will be freed from all subjugation (Collationes Patrum VIII 14).
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Columba Stewart OSB, Kasjan Mnich, tłum. T. Lubowiecka, ŹM 34, Kraków 2004, Wydawnictwo Benedyktynów, ss. 522

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2005
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vol. 48
405-408
EN
review
PL
recenzja
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Zenon z Werony, Mowa I 39 (II, 18)

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2019
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vol. 71
593-610
EN
Oration On the feast of St. Arcadius (I, 39 [II, 18]) by Zeno of Verona is not only the primary source of information about this African Saint, but also an important argument for the African origin of the Bishop of Verona. It is also important when we look at the development of literature on martyrdom. Translation of this oration into Polish is the first in history.
PL
Mowa Zenona z Werony Na dzień św. Arkadiusza (I, 39 [II, 18]), jest nie tylko podstawowym źródłem informacji o tym afrykańskim Świętym, ale również ważnym argumentem za afrykańskim pochodzeniem Biskupa Werony. Ważna jest także jeśli chodzi o sam rozwój literatury o męczeństwie. Tłumaczenie tej mowy na język polski, jest pierwszym w historii.
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Obraz Boga w apoftegmatach ojców pustyni

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2018
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vol. 70
93-105
EN
It is often said today that the current religious crisis is caused by a false image of God. The question therefore is how is He to be presented, so that with all the limitations of the human intellect and language in the face of the apophatic cha­racter of the Divine Majesty, God will be expressed in a way that will be the least “detrimental” to Him (and also to man)? It seems that the Egyptian Desert Fathers may be qualified teachers, even masters in this matter, not only, because the “sem­blance of God” was an issue that greatly engaged their community which had to deal with the heresy of anthropomorphism, but even more so, because as men of deep faith and prayer, often great mystics, they had an experience of God and so they continue to be for us unrivalled “experts” in this field. Analysing therefore their teaching on the image of God contained in the Apophthegmata of the Desert Fathers, we have arrived at the following conclusions. The Desert Fathers were fully aware how important the image of God is in the process of faith, knowing that a false image may lead not only to personal tragedies, but even to social unrest, and that it always leads to an atrophy of prayer and is an obstacle on the way to perfec­tion. In spite of this, even though the word “God” appears in the Apophthegmata very often, the search for some uniform image of God and even clauses of the type: “God is…” that are extremely rare, would be in vain. What could be the reasons for the “silence” of the Desert Fathers in this matter? In our view, first of all the fun­damental reason was their humility and the fact that they did not see themselves as teachers of others, and second, their suspicion as to their own visions that could in fact hide the ruses of Satan. However, the most important reason for the “omission” of the image of God in the Apopthegmata is, in our view, Eastern spirituality which treated every endeavour to define God and to demonstrate His image as an attempt to limit His divine nature. The ineffable and infinite God in the understanding of the Desert Fathers was also a God who is unique and unspeakable, to such an extent that each individual has to arrive alone, in his own heart, as far as this is possible, at His true image. Thus, in the Apophthegmata we do not find univocal statements declaring what is the true image of God, and the only thing that the Desert Fathers have conveyed to us is that approaching God is something of a process, at the be­ginning of which, yes certainly, some even infantile imagination of God may be admissible (hence a “leniency” towards anthropomorphism), but then it has to be subjected to a progressive purification, in the knowledge that “that which is perfect will come later”. This will come, not so much as a result of hearing about God or the acquisition of knowledge about Him, but through the practice of prayer, pe-nance and almsgiving.
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Kult świętych w piśmie Hieronima „Przeciw Wigilancjuszowi”. Kwestia współczesnych tłumaczeń

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Nocoń A.
Vox Patrum
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2020
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vol. 76
87-106
EN
One of the controversies between Catholicism and Protestantism is the problem of the mutual influence of the community of saints in heaven and the pilgrimaging people on earth. As is known, Protestantism has greatly reduced the impact of the community of saints on the faithful on earth, profiting undoubtedly from the heritage of one of the precursors of Protestant thought – Vigilantius. It is a fact that most of the views of this Gallic priest on the veneration of the saints are binding today in Protestant ecclesial communities. As we are celebrating the 1600th anniversary of the death of St. Jerome, it seems appropriate to recall his reaction to the views held by Vigiliantius. St. Jerome’s teaching expressed in the little work Adversus Vigilantium not only blocked the expansion of the doctrine of this Gallic priest, but also entered to a large extent into the official teaching of the Church and the liturgy. Unfortunately, this work of St. Jerome has not had many translations into modern languages and most of the existing versions are based on the text taken from the Patrologia Latina, which complicates the understanding of the most original thought of St. Jerome on the communion of the saints and on relics. The Adversus Vigilantium explains that the “communion” of the saints with the living is more intensive in the burial places of the saints, and so, adjacent to their relics. In his short treatise, St. Jerome does not specify the character of this intensive presence. He only writes that it manifests itself in “signs and miracles” done by the saints and in their powerful impact on evil spirits.
PL
Zagadnienie wzajemnego oddziaływania wspólnoty świętych w niebie i ludu pielgrzymującego na ziemi, jest jedną z kontrowersji między katolicyzmem a protestantyzmem. Ten ostatni, jak wiadomo, ograniczył w znacznym stopniu wpływ wspólnoty świętych na wiernych na ziemi, korzystając niewątpliwie z dorobku jednego z prekursorów myśli protestanckiej – Wigilancjusza. Faktem jest, że większość poglądów tego galijskiego prezbitera na temat kultu świętych obowiązuje dzisiaj w protestanckich wspólnotach kościelnych. Obchodząc 1600. rocznicę śmierci św. Hieronima wydaje się ważne przypomnieć jak zareagował on na poglądy Wigilancjusza. Jego nauczanie zawarte w dziełku Adversus Vigilantium nie tylko bowiem zatrzymało ekspansję doktryny Galijczyka, ale w znacznym stopniu weszło do oficjalnego nauczania Kościoła i do liturgii. Niestety, pismo Hieronima nie doczekało się dotąd wielu tłumaczeń na języki nowożytne, a te które są opieraja się często na wydaniu w Patrologii Łacińskiej, komplikującym zrozumienie najbardziej oryginalnych myśli Hieronima dotyczących świętych obcowania i relikwii. Z pisma „Przeciw Wigilancjuszowi” wynika bowiem, że „obcowanie” świętych z żyjącymi na ziemi byłoby najbardziej intensywne w miejscach pochówku świętych, czyli przy ich relikwiach. W swoim krótkim traktacie Hieronim nie precyzuje charakteru tej intensywnej obecności, pisze tylko, że przejawia się ona w „znakach i cudach” dokonywanych przez świętych, oraz ich silnym oddziaływaniem na złe duchy.
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Constituzioni dei sancti Apostoli per mano di Clemente, trad. Domenico Spada - Dimitrios Salachas, Roma 2001, ss. 316

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Vox Patrum
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2001
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vol. 40
549-551
EN
review
PL
recenzja
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Zagadnienie pokoju w "Objaśnieniach psalmów" św. Augustyna

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Vox Patrum
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2003
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vol. 44
119-129
IT
L'analisi del problema ha preso le mosse dall’analisi del contesto politico in cui si svolse la vita di sant'Agostino, da cui emerge un'epoca contrassegnata da una autentica continuita di guerre.
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Mąż Maryi – Józef w apokryfach Nowego Testamentu (cz. 2: od narodzin Jezusa w Betlejem do śmierci Józefa)

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Vox Patrum
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2021
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vol. 80
37-68
EN
From rich source material concerning Joseph the husband of Mary, the author has endeavoured to gather the most important data of his “biography” (from the birth of Jesus in Bethlehem to Joseph’s death) and to present his relationship to Mary and Jesus. The major concern was discovering the image of Joseph that was present in the mindset of people of that period. The answer to this query is that the image was variegated: on the one hand Joseph is shown as a man who was just, wise, trustful and devout, and on the other hand, as someone who was torn by doubts, suspicions and fears. It may be supposed that this had a purpose. It was to show him as a normal man with virtues and weaknesses and at the same time to authenticate his sanctity and message. What was that message? Such, that even being close to God, one may experience the “dark night of the soul”: dilemmas, sufferings, temptations and situations that humanly speaking are insurmountable. Nevertheless, having complete trust in God, like saint Joseph, one may have boundless hope, that God will not abandon his servant.
PL
Z bogatego materiału badawczego dotyczącego męża Maryi – Józefa, autor starał się wydobyć najważniejsze dane dotyczące jego „biografii” (od narodzin Jezusa w Betlejem do śmierci Józefa) i przedstawić jego relacje z Maryją i z Jezusem. Chodziło o to, aby ukazać jaki obraz Józefa funkcjonował w mentalności ludzi tamtych czasów. Odpowiadając na to pytanie, można powiedzieć, że był to obraz wielobarwny: z jednej strony Józef ukazywany jest jako człowiek sprawiedliwy, mądry, ufny i pobożny, z drugiej natomiast, jako ktoś targany wątpliwościami, podejrzliwy i lękliwy. Można przypuszczać, że był to zabieg celowy, aby ukazać go jako zwykłego człowieka, z cnotami i słabościami, po to, aby uwiarygodnić jego świętość i jego przesłanie. Jakie to przesłanie? Takie, że nawet będąc blisko Boga można przeżywać „noce ducha”: rozterki, cierpienia, pokusy, sytuacje po ludzku bez wyjścia. Pokładając jednak – jak św. Józef – całkowitą ufność w Bogu, można mieć niezawodną nadzieję, że Bóg nie opuści swego sługi.
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