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EN
Research on relations between art and politics has its tradition. However, it mainly refers to literature, whose part, as far as its authors’ intentions are concerned, is of a political character, in a lesser degree – of a picture. Sound, especially if it is not linked to a text and/or a picture, is considerably more seldom analyzed from the point of view of its importance in politics. As long as a word and a picture happen to convey unequivocal political meaning, qualified as such by most recipients, sound cannot be obviously considered a political message. It is questionable whether music can convey any meaning in whatever sense. If one can manage to suppress this doubt, it will result in a question how to construe the senses conveyed through the medium of melodic – rhythmic structures. However, the findings in the field of widely understood humanities affirm that music serves as a creator’s message directed to both individual and collective receivers. Political science studies often bring up a matter of communication between authorities and the subjects (in authoritarian regimes), and also between representatives of a nation or people claiming their role and electorate (in democratic regimes). At the end of the 1960s, American and Canadian scientists made room for music, one of the most widespread communicators, i. a. in political sphere. At that time, interdisciplinary teams including American sociologists, political scientists, culture and media experts undertook.
EN
“Not so much reportage as confession of love” – about the tendency to idealize Georgian culture in contemporary Polish travel reportage After 2008, Georgian culture has become the subject of many Polish travel reportages. It is idealized, resulting from the need to reproduce the myth of Polish­Georgian friendship. This myth arose from Russophobia existing in Poland and Georgia. Two of the three narratives studied are strongly Russophobic. The analysis of the content of the reports was carried out in reference to the model of cultural differences by G. Hofstede.
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Mail-art i money-art Tołstego

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PL
Artykuł przybliża sylwetkę i twórczość ideowo-artystyczną Wladimira Kotlarowa (Tołstego), jednej z najbardziej kontrowersyjnych postaci w środowisku emi-grantów rosyjskich w Paryżu lat 1980–2013. Jego specjalnością były skandalizujące hap-peningi z przesłaniem patriotyczno-anarchizującym oraz mail-art i money-art. Drogą analizy treści naniesionej na koperty, przedmioty użytkowe, kompozycje z banknotów, a także tekstów zamieszczonych w wydawanych przez Tołstego almanachu „Muleta” i gazecie „Wieczernij zwon” ustalono, że prezentowany tam światopogląd, nazywany vivrystycznym i eurazjatyckim, zawiera jedynie fragmentaryczne i nad wyraz swobodne odniesienia zarówno do dorobku Eurazjatów lat międzywojennych, jak i współczesnych kontynuatorów ich myśli. Tołsty wykorzystał eurazjatyzm, łącząc niektóre jego elementy; kolaż – tak w formie, jak i treści – stał się jego metodą twórczą, dzięki której zasłynął jako artysta konceptualistyczny.
EN
The article presents the profile and ideological and artistic activities of Vladimir Kotlvarov (Tolsty), one of the most controversial figures in the circle of Russian emigrants in Paris in the 1980–2013 period. His specialty were scandalous happenings with a patriotic and anarchic message as well as mail art and money art. By analyzing the content placed on envelopes, utility items, compositions made of banknotes, as well as texts published in Tolsty’s almanac “Muleta” and the newspaper “Wieczernij zwon”, it was established that the worldview presented there, called vivristic and Eurasian, contains only fragmentary and extremely loose references both to the achievements of Eurasians in the interwar period and contemporary followers of their thoughts. Tolsty took advantage of Eurasianism and freely combined some of its elements; collage – both in form and content – became his creative method, thanks to which he became famous as a conceptual artist.
PL
W artykule są prezentowane wyniki analizy treści (charakter jakościowy, ujęcie porównawcze) materiałów prasowych dotyczących polityki Rosji wobec Ukrainy, w tym decyzji, która zapadła po referendum przeprowadzonym na Krymie o przyłączeniu tego terytorium do Federacji Rosyjskiej. Analizą objęto teksty zamieszczone w „Gazecie Wyborczej” i w „Naszym Dzienniku” w okresie 15–31 marca 2014 roku.
EN
The article presents the results of content analysis (qualitative character, comparative approach) of press materials on Russian policy towards Ukraine, with the special emphasis on the decision after the referendum conducted in Crimea to join it to the Russian Federation. The analysis draws on publication in “Gazeta Wyborcza” and “Nasz Dziennik” in the period of March 15–31, 2014.
EN
The development of information technology and the development of a network society have encouraged a rise of e-democracy. It can not be regarded as a form of democracy because it is a phenomenon qualitatively different from democracy, similarly the network society is not the virtual equivalent of a civil society. It has been hypothesized that the development of information technology perhaps improves the state of democracy in some aspects and to some scale, but only if the system is real and not just declaratively democratic in the initial situation, regardless of technological progress. One of the elements that constitute democracy, including political participation, is a civic consciousness. On the web, the cyber-society constituting the anti model of civil society (Castells) implements the needs dictated by consumerism and consciousness of the consumer but not the ethos of civic and citizen awareness. Therefore, the rating of e-democracy dynamics in individual countries should not be the basis for conclusions about the condition of the existing democracy there.
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