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EN
The study analyses the German foreign policy after ascension of the German Emperor and Prussian King Wilhelm II, in detail its relations with the Russian Empire and the transformation of the alliance system. It analyses the causes of the deterioration of the German‑Russian relations through observing the foreign‑political, economic and personal aspects. It answers the questions, why the German leadership did not continue in Bismarck’s alliance system, why it refused a treaty relationship with Russia based on the Reinsurance Treaty, and who specifically was responsible for that decision in the ranks of the German governing elite. The author claims that the German foreign policy was not able to timely notice the Russian shift of interest from the Balkans to Middle Asia. At the same time the author points out that even before Bismarck’s departure the German‑Russian trade war had raged, the significance of the Reinsurance Treaty had declined and the later cancelling of the treaty was not the beginning but the end of the disrupted relations between Petersburg and Berlin. The false impression of German diplomats that Great Britain wanted to give up its ‘splendid isolation’ and join the Triple Alliance can be seen as the other important impulse leading to the breakdown of the treaty.
EN
This study analyses the personal politics of the emperor and king Wilhelm II in the German and Prussian political institutions, it describes its main events, its circumstances, it searches for the key participants of each naming and it looks into the question, who was responsible for key personal decisions. It comes to a conclusion that personal politics in the German and Prussian constitutional monarchy represented the combination of monarchist and democratic governmental principles. The monarch, his closest advisers and the representatives of the administration, less of the political parties, played the central role. In the constitutional Germany, the naming of the highest offices during the reign of Wilhelm II was mainly influenced by the representatives of the so called Liebenberg circle, informal group revolving around the monarch’s friend Eulenburg. The analysis of the correspondence between Eulenburg and the monarch and other politicians, as well as the analysis of messages from Austro‑Hungarian diplomats, proves that Eulenburg greatly influenced the choosing of Germany’s highest officers in the years 1890–1900. It was possible due to his close friendship with the monarch. Instead of consulting with the representatives of political parties, he preferred his own — often impulsive — decisions or talks with Eulenburg. The study proved that the last German emperor was able to carry out his prerogatives and duties only limited and was not in the state of really rule over the personal politics. After Eulenburg’s departure from the court, no one (court member or politician) was able to take up such a personal and close friendship with the emperor. After eliminating the members of the Liebenberg circle, the spot for influencing the emperor was freed for court retinue and military elite.
CS
Tato studie analyzuje personální politiku císaře a krále Viléma II. v německých a pruských politických institucích, popisuje její nejzávažnější události, jejich okolnosti, hledá hlavní aktéry jednotlivých jmenování a zkoumá otázku, kdo se o klíčová personální rozhodnutí zasloužil. Dochází k závěru, že personální politika v konstituční německé a pruské monarchii představovala kombinaci zásad monarchistického a demokratického vládního systému. Ústřední roli v ní hrál panovník, jeho nejbližší poradci a představitelé správy a méně již politických stran. V konstitučním Německu bylo obsazování nejvyšších úřadů za vlády Viléma II. zásadně ovlivněno představiteli tzv. liebenberského kruhu, neformálního seskupení kolem císařova přítele Eulenburga. Analýza koresponcence Eulenburga s panovníkem a dalšími politiky, stejně jako analýza zpráv rakousko‑ uherských diplomatů prokázala, že Eulenburg zásadním způsobem ovlivnil v letech 1890–1900 výběr nejvyšších německých úředníků. Umožnilo mu to důvěrné přátelství s panovníkem. Namísto konzultací s představiteli politických stran dával císař přednost vlastním — často impulzivním — rozhodnutím nebo jednání s Eulenburgem. Studie prokázala, že poslední německý císař byl schopen vykonávat svá prerogativa a povinnosti pouze limitovaně a nebyl stavu skutečně řídit personální politiku. Po Eulenburgově odchodu od dvora se již žádnému dvořanu či politikovi nepodařilo navázat s císařem blízký přátelský vztah. Po odstranění liebenberského kruhu se uvolnil prostor pro ovlivňování císaře ze strany dvorského doprovodu a armádních špiček.
Human Affairs
|
2014
|
vol. 24
|
issue 4
492-510
EN
The paper deals with the state of the social sciences after the boom of internet services in the Czech Republic in the 1990s. The results of our survey, based on 512 responses from the economics and history departments of major Czech public universities, show that internet services are considered a quality factor for academic output; however, the issues of plagiarism, a lack of resource criticism, inadequacy of impact factor-based evaluations, poor academic training for the new generation of social scientists, the failure of state academic policy, and the generation gap make further development in the Czech social sciences rather problematic. As a result we recommend creating a better communication link between policy makers and scholars, reforming the current state policy which encourages lower quality academic output, and improving academic training, which requires a more individual approach, and also placing higher demands on social scientists.
4
63%
EN
This study analyzes the theatrical oeuvre of the Russian empress Catherine II. from political, cultural and literary perspectives. Among other questions, it addresses what goals the monarch was pursuing with her writing, how she herself reflected on her works, where she drew inspiration from, what kinds of forms she selected, and – above all else – which themes she worked with. The authors work within the theoretical concept borrowed from cultural history of cultural transfer (interlinking of cultures) and reject the outdated theory of the Europeanization and modernization of Russian culture. Instead, they prefer the term “diffusion” in the sense of “dissemination of cultures”. They also agree with the main theses of the Tartu-Moscow Semiotic School, that on the basis of “culture transplant” a “dual culture” developed in the Russian Empire. The authors arrive at the conclusion that Catherine the Great did not rank among the best authors of theatrical works of her period, but she was able to gain an audience. At the same time, with this activity she also legitimized her rule and built a positive image for herself and for her empire abroad. Her significance for women’s emancipation also must not be neglected, because she was one of the first women in the Russian Empire to have her own works issued in print.
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