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EN
This paper is a segment of a project on the history of scientific thought in Slovakia, devoted to individual scientific figures. The author is concerned on ethnographer Michal Markus, a Slovak born in Hungary, who came to Slovakia in 1947 in the context of an exchange of Slovak and Hungarian populations after the Second World War. M. Markus, a trained ethnographer and linguist, who had defended his doctorate in Budapest University and worked for ten years in a museum in Budapest, brought a notable increase of strength at a time when ethnographic science in Slovakia was began to be professionalized. He began to apply his theoretical and practical knowledge in practice at the East Slovakian Museum in Kosice, where from 1952 to 1957 he worked as director. From 1951 he held the position of elected president of the Museum Committee of the Union of Slovak Museums (ZSM) and began to press effectively to have qualified professionals appointed to work in museums. The communist takeover in Czechoslovakia in 1948 brought new tendencies into the museum field. Museum work was orientated towards a thoroughgoing teaching of history as it is to say in its contemporary interpretation; exhibition was conceived as an instrument for political education and propagation of political tasks. Instead of the 'teaching of history', what was put into effect was a 'teaching by history' or 'formation through history'. Hence in the late 1950s the activities of ZSM also began to be transferred to politically directed institutions and the activity of museums as professional organs came to an end. M. Markus's further activity was focused on the scientific-research work. In 1950 a branch of the Slovak Academy of Science's Ethnographic Institute was formed in Kosice at the East Slovakian Museum, which Markus was appointed to lead, along with his work at the Museum. He carried out the first collective research in communities which had had to be relocated for military reasons. In 1954 his further research work was connected with the most significant ethnographic project of the time - creation of the monograph 'The Mining Village of Zakarovce' (publ. 1956). From the standpoint of the history of our scientific discipline this was a research breakthrough, in which contemporary ethnography had to set itself in the framework of the Marxist-Leninist conception of culture and commit itself to a politically demanded object of research. In his scientific-research work M. Markus made a priority of the area of culinary culture, which he described as the most neglected area of Slovak ethnography and in subsequent years published a series of fundamental works on this question.
EN
The current article is based on the research carried out among expatriate Estonians living in Germany. The aim of the research was to obtain an general understanding of the evolution and development of Estonian folk dance groups and the inception of these groups in the Federal Republic of Germany after the Second World War. The first target group was the Estonian expatriates in Germany, since German war refugee camps were the first stop for many refugees on their journey. Interviews were conducted with 13 expatriate Estonians in Bocholt, Bonn and Hamburg in 2007. The article describes the motives for practicing folk dancing as a hobby, the everyday activities of folk dance groups - repertoire, practicing, music, folk costumes and performances, what has become of the folk dance groups since their establishment and the role of folk dance in the life of expatriate Estonians. Aside from the previous aspects, the functions which describe the role of folk dance - preservation of continuity; organisation of community; social interaction and welfare; preservation of Estonian language; self-determination - also stood out in the analysis of the interviews. Cultural pursuits formed a positive link between the past and the present, taking on a balancing role in the tragic understanding that seeking temporary asylum had become a constant state in exile and this prevented people from being trapped in the disconsolate condition of a refugee. Folk dance was not purely a hobby but a place where the Estonian language was spoken and learned; it helped people to stick together in difficult times, define themselves in the wind of changes and introduce Estonia in a foreign country by means of dance and folk costumes.
EN
In 1845-1848, the movement from the Lutheran Church to the Russian Orthodox Church took place in all the southern Estonian counties and about 17% of the peasants in southern Estonia converted to Orthodoxy. Until then, Orthodoxy was mainly the religion of the local Russians and Seto (Setu) people, and remained influential among the poluverniks of eastern Estonia, the Russians who were officially Lutheran but followed many Orthodox rites (including partially Estonianised Russians). The article gives an overview of the spread of Orthodoxy in the current Estonian territory and in Setomaa from the 11th century until 1845, focusing on the establishment of different Russian Orthodox churches and chapels (including the Seto tsassons). The Russian Old Believers, who settled in Estonia at the end of the 17th century are not dealt with in detail in this article. Orthodoxy is probably the most ancient form of Christianity to arrive in Estonia, during the 11th century. Some of the local Finno-Ugric people were baptised into Orthodoxy during the 11th-12th centuries, before the crusades of the Roman Catholic Church; it is also possible that the first Christian church in Estonia was founded by the Russian conquerors in Tartu (Yuryev) in the 11th century. The oldest surviving, although extensively reconstructed, Orthodox churches are to be found in Setomaa, and they date back to the 14th century. The oldest wooden sacral buildings in mainland Estonia are the Mikitamae and Uusvada tsassons (Seto village chapels), built in the last decade of the 17th century. The Orthodox sacral buildings also include the oldest surviving wooden church in Tallinn - the Kazan Church (1721). By the end of the Swedish period, the church of St. Nikolay (St. Nicholas) in Tallinn was the only active Orthodox church in Estonia (excluding Setomaa), but the gatherings around the Orthodox chapels in present-day East Viru County continued during the reign of Lutheran Sweden, especially crowded meetings were held around the Puhtitsa chapel. After the Great Northern War and incorporation into Russia, new Orthodox churches were erected in all the bigger towns in Estonia (first in 1721), as well as in many smaller places in eastern Estonia (e.g. Rapina, Nina, Mustvee and Vasknarva). Until the 1840s, the Orthodox churches were mostly built for Russians. However, many Estonians had had contacts with Orthodoxy for centuries before the 1840s, particularly in eastern Estonia and in some bigger towns.
EN
A key aspects of the radical structural political and economic changes after 1989 are interlinked with a profound transformation of the rural environment.Pointing out strategies for survival adopted by agricultural farms as the dominant type of agricultural institutions in former Czechoslovakia, the writer attempts to show the relation between changes carried out at the national level and those at the local one. She analyses differences in transformational processes of 'neo-collectivist' farms and their conversion into co-operative farms of landowners or share-holders. She also attempts to describe different levels of adaptability to the free-markets laws and new economic mechanisms enabling application of more autonomous operations and more diversified economic procedures in order to gain profit and accumulate capital. Furthermore, she identifies factors predetermining and influencing the future of co-operative farms in terms of becoming prosperous, or preserving the status quo or going bankrupt. She relies on the results of case studies carried out in six different co-operatives in south-west and west Slovakia. According to the authoress, the process of decollectivisation in Slovakia - in case it may be called decollectivisation at all -- is rather a kind of reshaping collective forms of entrepreneurial activities. This development is not easy and straightforward. The economic effectiveness of transformation and moral and symbolic effects of the new system of ownership have deeply influenced social relations not only within the co-operatives but also in the rural community as a whole.In general, the economic climate does not very much favour the agricultural sector and farmers, including those in co-operative farms. However, despite their hard situation, they more or less successfully direct the transformation processes. In the background to the post-socialist transformation processes there is, next to many regional and local varieties of natural conditions, also the historical 'heritage' of pre-socialist rural economy. This seems to be the reason why 'neo-collectivist' farms, although they exist in the same region, enter the transformation processes from different starting points and why they try to solve the transition to market economy applying a kind of hybrid procedure, combining the new - profit and capital making models with the old ones inherited from the pre-socialist and socialist collectivist systems. Thus, the differentiated strategies may lead to successful or average or negative results in dependence on professional and organisational skills as well as on adaptability and ethic qualities of managers and professionals heading the farms.
Mäetagused
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2008
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vol. 39
93-136
EN
Research in ethnomedicine involves the observance of the views, principles, and behaviour regarding illnesses and diseases by different people and cultures. The activities of folk healers and turning to them for help are still topical, even though the awareness of people has grown and the level of education is considerably higher than in the past. Nevertheless, it appears that regardless of the availability of medical care, there are always patients who turn only to folk healers. Another group of people who tend to turn to folk healers for help are those whose treatment by medical professionals has not been successful. In folklore the theme is represented by tales of diseases and illnesses, in which the main characters are a positive or negative patient and a positive or negative healer. These often stereotypical folktales are almost the only material that enables drawing conclusions on the illness behaviour of the customers of folk healers. The reason behind all that is that the society is steadfastly fixated on the health myth.
EN
Conceiving of the work of Claude Levi-Strauss as a sort of ethnological parallel to the Linguistic Circle of Prague, the author is dealing with the possibilities and results of Levistraussian application and inspiration derived from the Praguian phonology. Nevertheless: whereas Nicolai S. Trubetzkoy's influence seems to be dominating in the Elementary Structures of Kinship, the Mythologiques as a whole manifest a very massive and autonomous development of one Jakobsonian concept known as a primary triangle under the form of culinary triangle.
Mäetagused
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2008
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vol. 39
53-74
EN
'Herba', the Estonian folk medicine database of herbal treatment (available at http://www.folklore.ee/herba), has been the source of lore texts about the use of plants and herbs as popular remedies since 2006. At the present moment, the database includes the earliest archive texts up to the year 1939, estimated to constitute slightly less than half of the total number of texts. The identification of plant names in the texts are largely based on the monograph 'Eesti taimenimetused' (Estonian Plant Names) by Gustav Vilbaste (1993). Even though most of the collected Estonian plant names have been identified by Vilbaste, new ethnobotanical names emerge while processing the lore material. The article describes the linking of new folk plant names with the botanical nomenclature and establishing connections with the already known folk plant names (on the basis of texts in the database and specialised literature). The database text can be associated with the species on the basis of three criteria: folk plant name (according to Vilbaste's monograph), the Latin name included in the text, and the plant description. The number of informants with more than one Latin extension in the database is currently 11. Some texts may correspond to nearly all the criteria, but this is an exception rather than a rule. The largest number of Latin names has been contributed by the following informants: pharmacist Hans Jako (in Jakob Hurt files), physician Mihkel Ostrov in 1891 and 1892 (folklore files of the Society of Estonian Literati), school teacher Julius Lunts in 1937 (Estonian Folklore Archives collection) and medical student Jaan Laats in 1938 (Estonian Folklore Archives collection). Gustav Vilbaste has likewise used the texts of the said informants, though selectively; for instance, the text contributed by Mihkel Ostrov yielded more than 15 new equivalents. The most time-consuming section of the work was to establish connections according to other plant names and/or description and habitat represented in the texts. Usually, a plant can not be identified on the basis of a single text and the results are unreliable. For identification, texts from different collections were gathered together and were analysed according to different parameters, such as the origin of the text, informant's background, other names mentioned in the text and so on; in addition, the results were compared against the data of plant geography. As to the more complicated texts, mycologists and botanists had to be consulted with. One of the aims of the article is to publish the plant names rediscovered in the course of the work and provide inspiration for deriving new Estonian names for species so far unnamed (e.g., family Gymnosporangium).
EN
The contribution deals with the value as a topic in the social sciences discourse.The authoress concentrates on a group of questions concerning the transformation of values as a result of modernisation, the on-going globalisation and, in the Slovak context, a post-communist transformation. She mentions the place given to the research into values by Slovak ethnography and stresses that despite the fact that there are only few earlier research studies concerning the issue of values, some of them have delivered large numbers of precious facts enabling to draw a picture of cultural standards based on the ideas, phenomena, objects, etc. Thus, these earlier ethnographic works might serve as a 'starting point' for the development of the topic - the process of constituting values in the pre-modern pre-industrial world of the Slovak countryside. Although the 'pre-capitalist world' of Slovak small towns and villages was slowly dying away at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries (at certain places only in the first half of the 20th century), it was still an omni-present principle of the Slovak micro-cosmos. Concentrating on a corpus of empirical data of the village of Cicmany it was also possible to draw a picture of the village and its inhabitants, and then seek to interpret what values they had, how these values related to how they could satisfy their material and partially also non-material spiritual needs, or whether the local people had their own concept of what was desirable in their social environment. Obviously the approaches to the assessment of their own values reflected the features of a pre-modern society, others changed during capitalist, socialist and post-socialist processes of modernisation. The authoress has highlighted cultural aspects of pre-modernity, which still had a great influence on the everyday life of the village of Cicmany at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. In his everyday life, a villager of the pre-modern world, preoccupied by his worries about getting his everyday living, had much respect for standards, conventions and authorities. He firmly stuck to an idea that the division line between the good and the evil was predetermined. He judged events and actions according to whether they complied with what the usual state of affairs should be. Any deviation from the accepted norm caused dissatisfaction, criticism, or was taken as an offence against morality. In this context, an easier way to being knowledgeable of traditionalist pre-modern world values leads through an identification of negative attitudes rather than positive ones. They seem to be more clearly expressed in a disapproval of certain events, phenomena, actions, and objects which do not compare with habits and expectations than in an approval of them.
EN
The paper focuses on the culture of wine-producing in the specific micro-region within the wine-producing region of Male Karpaty. The authoress illuminates the attitudes, the wine-producers had towards the wine-producing, which was their main source of a substistence, towards their vineyards approached as the property and possible source of income. The paper explains how the wine-producers' year looked like, describing their work in vineyards changing within the year. She introduces the terminology the wine-producers used, explains basic tasks they did and the tools and technology they used in their work. She attempts to draw the differences between the urban and rural forms of the culture of wine in the wine producing, consisting especially in different work technologies, grapes' processing and sale of wine. She concentrates on consumption of wine in the wine-producing households and the importance of the wine as a drink. She introduces new information that could be obtained only through the deep insights and qualitative analysis of the data from the small sample. Her work complements already published data on wine-producing in the region of Male Karpaty. Focusing on the area rather neglected by the previous researchers she provides the detailed analysis of the phenomenon.
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Středověké exemplum a současný folklor

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EN
The study deals with both the view of the importance of exempla, and the rarely applied methodological procedure, i.e. the interpretation of contemporary front-page stories telling as a parallel to medieval exempla telling. The incorporation of exempla and folklore tales within the context of culture, level of education and 'everyday life', which features with a rapid rate and new ways in disseminating the information - opposite to the Middle Ages - is of great importance. The co-existences of different social classes, traditions and cultures play an important role. Exempla are understood as a certain type of bridges built between folklore and literature by the activities of medieval preachers. Both the ethic function of exempla and their role in creation of cultural and historical consciousness are pointed-out. Many exempla converted into other folklore kinds during their development. When interpreting the exempla and contemporary front-page stories, the attention is to be turned to the 'narrative situation' and the recipient. The variability of a story is caused by the actualization of place, time and circumstances in which the story is set. A folklorist is to observe this procedure.
EN
While conducting fieldwork in Russian Karelia, the authors encountered in an abandoned forest village of Yashozero the last native inhabitant - an almost 80 years old Veps woman Maria. There, at noon on 11 July 2005, at the lake-side cemetery, Maria lamented to her husband. Her lament, rich in archaic words and concepts, is more a one-sided dialogue than a monologue. It is possible to point out three different features in the lament as a performance. (1) Lament is addressed to the person residing in the grave. At the same time the lamenter defines oneself as a person on the edge - her senses are extremely responsive to the perspective beyond the grave as well as (2) to personal life and the problems linked to it. These two perspectives alternate and sometimes almost rival in Maria's lament text. (3) The third perspective of a lament is the sense of surroundings derived from the real situation or, more accurately, from other people currently at the cemetery. In the lamenting situation it was possible to notice Maria's ability to switch from the poetic recitative of a lament to regular speech, from the other side and/or personal orientation to current reality.The text of the lament examined in the article is relatively unstable as the performance situation was occasional rather than closely following the ritual order. Primordial fear of the dead, psychological problems and possibly also a new personal inclination towards the deceased vary all the time and are expressed in the composition and poetic language of the lament text. But instead of the historical naturalistic, wild and desolate Karelia, Maria's lament narrates about a traditional society gnarled in the Soviet cataclysm of the 20th century. Instead of a typical Karelian family one sees an increasing commitment to the problems of a modern core family, which has been drawn apart by the renewed society that separates children from the parents both in life and death. There are the desires and doubts of a woman, touched by emancipation, which wait to be expressed in the lament use. Burial lament links the person, the world(s) and the mental culture in an existentially dramatic situation, where there is little left of what is art or entertainment.
EN
The paper deals with trends, challenges and applications of worldwide urban anthropology. It brings a comparative view of historical developments and of contemporary theoretical, methodological and thematic schools, directions and tendencies in the development of the urban anthropology. The author presents her subjective reflections on older and recent literature, and identifies three areas of urban-anthropological research of the present day: city and people; city and space; and city and culture. In addition to the theoretical contributions of urban anthropology on multidisciplinary urban studies, she emphasises also the importance of applied anthropological research in urban place-making and governance. On the basis of global trends in urban anthropological studies, she suggests their implications on the Slovak urban anthropological research.
EN
The article based on field work materials discusses the characteristics of folk medicine among the northernmost group of the Komi - namely, those living in the Izhemsky District (Komi iz'va). During the populating of the tundra and the development of reindeer herding tradition borrowed from the Nenets, the Izhma Komi developed a striking cultural and practical character which is expressed in the structure of medical knowledge, the range of remedies and treatment methods, and the system of nutrition and hygienic tradition. The folk medicine of the said ethnic group is characterised by remarkable rationality, which is expressed in a rare use of magical treatment methods, the majority of folk healers are bone-setters, and a sceptical attitude towards the Nenets Shamans is prevailing. In the framework of ancestral worship practised by the Komi developed the cult of Tandze Marya, a famous folk healer and bone-setter. The mythologisation of the well-known healer has been greatly facilitated by the means of mass media, which has, in some respects, appeared on the initiative of local intellectuals
EN
This paper is concerned with researching the existence of a university and its influence on a small town. The object of investigation was the Technical University (formerly the University of Forestry and Woodworking) and the town Zvolen. The author studied where, how, and by means of what and whom the university was presented in the town and perceived by the town's inhabitants. She investigated the university in the broader context of the town, with emphasis on the university versus town interaction. The author focused on the 'inner' and especially the 'outer' life of the university, its cultural, economic, social capital and their presentation. In this paper the university is perceived as an institution which apart from its inductive-educational, scientific-research and cultural-social functions also fulfils a function of cultural reproduction. Simultaneously it is a bearer of socio-cultural values and traditions, status rankings, and the most varied bonds, communicative relations and meanings. The paper also points to the reasons for the emergence, preconditions, formation and establishment of the university in the town, which are reflected not only in the town's socio-spatial structure but also in the cultural capital of its inhabitants (for example, the educational structure). Contacts and social networks of the town's inhabitants with the university are constructed also through the medium of the TU's employees, who are themselves mainly Zvolen inhabitants, and by a dynamic group of students. An important indicator is also the economic capital which the university represents in a small town. It is expressed in employment opportunities and in the form of other material resources. The existence of the university also brings the town's inhabitants a specific cultural-social and educational dimension which is, as regards the school's orientation, different from other towns. The activities which the school and the students carry out (erecting maypoles, the folk festival, lectures, exhibitions and sporting activities) are not realized exclusively on the university grounds but are rather part of the urban space, and the town's inhabitants take part in them deliberately or casually. The urban society views them positively, as characteristic and typical of Zvolen, which is identified with them.
EN
Ritual Calus is a still living ritual practice at Pentecost (Whitsuntide) in the southern regions of Romania. Considered at a synchronic level, it reveals a great variety of structures and meanings that represent different stages of transformation. This article is based primarily on the long-time fieldwork experience and information resulting from the dialogues with tradition bearers, the direct observation and the analysis and interpretation of visual and written documents. The intention is to present the ritual calus in its contemporary existence and try to disclose the reasons of its survival. Subsequently the intention is to comment the role given to calus as a national symbol and the manipulation therewith for legitimating the political power under the Communist dictatorship. Finally, the future existence of the ritual calus will be questioned in the light of the UNESCO program for the safeguarding of the cultural heritage. In an introductory section, however, calus will be situated in a large European cultural context and described in more general terms in order to illuminate the complex structure of the ritual and the intricate relationship established among and between the component elements.
EN
The study reflects on the actual position of literary folkloristics within the domestic academic discourse. Although - at the very beginning of ethnologic research - the studies of folklore texts were in the foreground and a more remarkable interest in artefacts of material or folk culture as a whole occurred much more later, at present the study of folklore reaches a certain marginal position, being even part of rhetoric proclaimed by proponents of different schools in cultural and social anthropology. The essay reflects on the causes of the above contemporary phenomenon, considering the inherent characteristics of folkloristics, and - simultaneously - outlining the impulses to the next development thereof. The main sense and importance of literary folkloristics, a discipline being in an apparently 'schizophrenic' position on the boundary between humanities and social sciences, is regarded not as taking-over of the period conjunctural themes, theories or methodologies from other branches, but as emphasizing of collection and analysis of the texts widespread by word of mouth, which should especially be in the foreground of folkloristic researches.
EN
This paper draws on a research project carried out in the framework of the EC funded project 'Youth and European identity' (5th FP). The project investigated - both quantitatively and qualitatively - identity and citizenship constructions in young adults (aged 18-24) from ten European regions/cities: Manchester England and Edinburgh Scotland (UK), Madrid and Bilbao (Spain), Vienna and Vorarlberg (Austria), Chemnitz and Bielefeld (former 'East' and 'West' Germany) and Bratislava (Slovakia) and Prague (Czech Republic). Using the Schwartz value questionnaire data, in this paper we explore the relationships between the values of European, national and regional identities and second order value types that, according to S. H. Schwartz theory (Schwartz 1992), create the basic set of human values (self-transcendence, openness to change, self-enhancement, conservation). We also compare these relationships in Bratislava and other studied regions. Through semi-structured interviews we also investigate the reflection of these values in hopes and fears concerning the EU membership in 'new' and 'old' EU member states, focusing mainly on national identity issues. As expected, the position of regional, national and European identities within the second order values structure is related to the situation of the country regarding the national identity formation and regarding the transformations linked to the EU integration processes. The results are discussed in the context of an ongoing research project investigating regional identities of young people in nine Slovak regions.
EN
(Title in Slovak - 'Reflexia spolocensko-politickych zmien a adaptacia rolnikov na transformacne procesy v polnohospodarstve (Na priklade rolnikov a vinohradnikov v okrese Trnava)'). The article deals with the changes of basic values held by people working in agriculture under the impact of social and political transformation processes since the middle the 20th century up to the present. During the 20th century farmers and winegrowers formed an overwhelming majority in the local community. Political and social changes in Slovakia brought profoundly different conditions for the existence of the agricultural sector. The article maps the processes of adaptation concerning individual farmers, farmers in agricultural cooperatives and of private enterprisers to the new conditions.
EN
This article is a summary of the author's experience gained while studying the border areas with compound communities (in ethnic, national, or confessional meaning) in the various regions of Bulgaria, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia in the beginning of 21st century. There are two difficulties that the researcher faces. The first comes from the fact that the researchers from the Balkans (ethnologists, historians, anthropologists) belong to one of the researched traditions; the second difficulty arises from the inadequate understanding of the history of those border areas, as well as the predominant primordial concept of national identity. Hence, the question is about regions of dispersed interwoven cultures, in which the tradition of contacts and conflicts made a unique cultural pattern. The comparative studies in theses regions require, according to the author, a new understanding of the reasons, ways and patterns of the 'construction' of national identities on the Balkans.
EN
In this text the author has attempted to mark the characteristics of the Estonian folksy music style and to outline the sequence connecting this style to the earlier folk music that is no longer in use. Reaching an undisputable result was not his goal, mostly due to the fact that he had to start from almost nothing. Musicologists work with folk music, while folksy music has been left for practitioners - artists and producers. In the context of culture in general, the lack of systematic overview of folksy music is a considerable gap. However, based on musicological methods alone, it is not possible to understand the impulses that have influenced the Estonians' preferred music style to develop exactly into what we hear nowadays. Researches by scientists of music, society and literature, carried out according to a unified research program, could fill this gap. It can be stated that in the broad sense the Estonian folksy music is a result of extensive cultural influences. At the same time the loans, still happening today, do not change the basic principles of folksy music. Foreign elements intertwine with elements already present and start to look familiar in the process. This asserts that nations do not create their culture in a vacuum; instead it is an uncontrollable process in which many temporary ties emerge between different nations and whose interim results can considerably change a nation's culture. Thus it happened that music of various origins blended into a folksy music style that is a mixture of mock songs, children's songs, game songs, patriotic songs, dance songs and schlagers from before the Second World War, folk music from all parts of Europe, country music, works by classical composers and Estonian composers. This colourful assemblage constitutes an inseparable and organic part of folk culture. Spontaneous circles of influence have been functioning always and everywhere, but nowadays the changes in culture come about with greater intensity and they are easier to recognise and to observe.
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