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1

„Ze stanowiska katolickiego” ks. Józefa Kobylińskiego koncepcja totalizmu państwowego

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Dubel L.
Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi
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2011
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vol. 33
121-130
EN
According to Józef Kobyliński, the essential and obvious features of totalism include: 1. The State is recognized to be the highest aim. 2. The race may also be the State’s highest aim (Germany). 3. The monopoly of will by way of complete subordination and blind obedience occurs in the State. 4. The total State is principally atheistic. 5. It is a one-party system. 6. Universalism, commonplaceness of behaviour and absence of any initiative prevail here. According to the author, the basic feature of the total State is its attempt at total predominance over individuals and social groups. Militarism and economic imperialism over neighbors are resorted to whenever possible. Totalitarianism is basically about annihilating anything that could oppose the State and limit its lawlessness. In the totalitarian State the individualism of democracy is ousted by universalism.
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Totalna negacja inteligencji. Idee Jana Wacława Machajskiego i Michała Bakunina

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Dubel L.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2016
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vol. 38
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issue 4
69-95
EN
The article begins with a discussion on the main views expressed in the literature concerning the origins, the essence of the intelligentsia and its features. Against that background, it reconstructs a critical understanding of the intelligentsia as a social stratum as expressed by Bakunin and Jan Wacław Machajski. Both were the representatives of the radical, leftist thought of the 19th and the turn of the 19th and 20th century. It is indicated that neither of them defines the intelligentsia in their writings. They commonly use the term intellectual worker, which is quite accurately described. The issue of the intellectual worker and, more broadly, the intelligentsia, is clearly part of the doctrine of Bakunin. It is also important in the thought of Jan Wacław Machajski. They were both representatives of the intelligentsia in the sense of their social status. Both supported the instrumen­tal perception of the intelligentsia as a specific social group. The path of intellectual development and political activity of both writers and political activists, which led them to extreme revolutionary radicalism, was evolutionary. It led through a fascination with different, often conflicting, ideologies at various stages in life, eventually aiming at that radical revolutionary attitude. The political tho­ught in both cases was dynamic and subject to evolution. Both lived in literary and political circles. They considered their intellectual and political activity as a kind of liberation mission aimed at the enslaved society. They expressed similar views concerning the function of the intelligentsia both in terms of its social and political role in exploited and enslaved societies and, above all, its ambiguous place in the future revolution. Bakunin formulated anti-intellectual and anti-intelligentsia proposals, whereas Machajski — mainly anti-intelligentsia ones. The possible thesis about the identity of the anti-intellectualism and anti-intelligentsia seems to be at least questionable. Insofar as Machajski’s concept of the intelligentsia only has a political aspect based on the Marxist phraseology, Bakunin’s previous ideas and his anti-intellectualism have a mainly philosophical, and only then political, dimension. However, ultimately, they both represent the attitude of political nihilism. For both of them the critical characteristics of the intelligentsia generally applies to the revolutionary intelli­gentsia which claims the right to care of the proletarians, yet most often it does so in their own in­terest. Against this background, a conclusion is made that education is a kind of property and hence a source of exploitation, class exploitation, in fact. However, the arguments of both political writers concerning this issue are different, and so are the derived conclusions.
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Aleksander Hertz’s Concept of Totalitarianism

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Dubel L.
Studia Iuridica Lublinensia
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2016
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vol. 25
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issue 3
EN
The Polish legal and political thought in the period preceding World War II actively attempted to explain the phenomenon of totalitarianism. One can even notice some fascination with certain aspects of the Italian fascism at that time. The article attempts to reconstruct the fundamental, anti-totalitarian views by the sociologist Aleksander Hertz. The author’s main works were written before World War II. It is a series of articles. The most important ones were published in a book entitled Szkice o totalitaryzmie (Sketches on Totalitarianism) (1994). He argues fascism derives from combatant movements. He claims that totalitarianism is a regime that aims to eradicate liberal democracy. He examines totalitarianism based on the Italian fascism, the German Nazism and Stalinism. Aleksander Hertz mainly deals with the explanation of the role of a mono-party in the totalitarian system. He believes it to be the core of any totalitarianism. It is mainly a militarised mono-party. The party is a hierarchical structure. Another characteristic of totalitarianism is the supreme and absolute position of the leader both in the party and the State. The charismatic leader holds absolute power based on a diversified party elite and other ordinary members of the party. They are fully responsible before him for their actions both in the party and outside it. The programme and activity of a totalitarian party are of revolutionary nature and they involve changes in all spheres of social life.
PL
Polska myśl prawnicza i polityczna w okresie przed II wojną światową aktywnie zajmowała się wyjaśnieniem fenomenu totalitaryzmu. W tamtym czasie można dostrzec nawet fascynację niektórymi aspektami włoskiego faszyzmu. Artykuł rekonstruuje podstawowe, krytyczne wobec totalitaryzmu, poglądy socjologa Aleksandra Hertza. Główne prace tego autora powstały przed II wojną światową. Jest to seria artykułów. Najważniejsze zostały wydane w postaci książki pt. Szkice o totalitaryzmie (1994). Faszyzm Hertz wywodzi z ruchów kombatanckich. Wskazuje, że totalitaryzm jest reżimem, którego zadaniem jest zniszczenie liberalnej demokracji. Autor bada totalitaryzm na podstawie włoskiego faszyzmu, niemieckiego nazizmu i stalinizmu. Hertz głównie zajmuje się wyjaśnieniem roli monopartii w systemie totalitarnym. Uważa ją za jądro każdego z totalitaryzmów. Jest to przede wszystkim monopartia zmilitaryzowana. Partia stanowi strukturę hierarchiczną. Kolejną cechą totalitaryzmu jest najwyższa i niekwestionowana pozycja wodza, zarówno w partii, jak i w państwie. Charyzmatyczny wódz sprawuje swą niepodzielną władzę w oparciu o zróżnicowaną elitę partyjną i pozostałych, szeregowych członków partii. Ponoszą oni przed nim pełną odpowiedzialność za swoje działania tak w partii, jak i poza nią. Program i działanie partii totalitarnej mają rewolucyjny charakter i dotyczą zmian we wszystkich obszarach życia społecznego.
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Artykuł recenzyjny książki Andrzeja Maksymiliana Fredro Scriptorum Seu Togae et Belli Notationum Fragmenta. Accesserunt Peristromata Regnum. Symbolis Expressa

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Dubel L.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius)
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2015
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vol. 62
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issue 1
EN
Published in 2014 (first ed. 1660) the treatise by Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro was a significant editorial event. It was the first time that Polish readers had been presented with a Polish translation of the originally Latin work by this author. This edition of Scriptorum combines the original Latin text and its Polish translation in one book. What is also significant, it is preceded by a comprehensive and detailed introduction and supplemented with very meticulous footnotes. The whole work is followed by an index of characters referred to in Scriptorum. In its introduction by Marek Tracz Tryniecki, the present work provides an extensive and very erudite presentation of the figure and intellectual achievements of Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro (p. 19–114). In fact, this is not so much a typical introduction as a scientific analysis which actually meets the requirements of a study. Not only does the author reconstruct the ideas, but also argues with some published interpretative theses concerning both the activities and the ideas of Aleksander Fredro.In his text Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro introduces and justifies the universal idea of self-limited power of the monarch. He justifies it with moral, political, psychological, legal and religious arguments, as well as with the historical experience and a comparative approach. A.M. Fredro’s work offers a commendation of republicanism and the mixed regime. According to Fredro, and many other political writers of the 16th and 17th centuries, the mixed regime continued to be the basis of the political regime of the Republic of Poland, where it was institutionally reflected in three estates: the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate and the King (p. 65). A.M. Fredro argues that such a regime enables the best control of conflicts and ensures freedom in the country. Another political postulate by this author is the commendation of the rule of law in the State. The work also discusses Fredro’s military ideas.
PL
Autor omawia idee polityczne Andrzeja Maksymiliana Fredry. Ocenie podlega obszerny wstęp napisany współcześnie przez Marka Tracza Trynieckiego. Wskazuje się na prezentowanie przez Fredrę modelu monarchii umiarkowanej. Podkreśla się zerwanie komentatora z dotychczasowymi stereotypami i analizami piśmiennictwa A.M. Fredry dokonanymi w okresie wcześniejszym. Odrębnym problemem jest ukazanie poglądów pisarza na temat relacji państwo – kościół, zadań edukacji patriotycznej czy problemu wojska i wojny.
5
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"Princeps educatus" w myśli Jana z Salisbury

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Dubel L.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius)
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2018
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vol. 65
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issue 1
EN
The Middle Ages was the era of the duality of power. The concept and understanding of power was dynamic at that time. The issue looked different in the early Middle Ages and different in the medieval period of “the enlightenment”. In this situation, the rational or rationalizing arguments were supported by both proponents of the papalistic vision of the state, as well as the supporters of the concept of autonomous secular authority. It must be borne in mind that at the time of John of Salisbury (c. 1115–1180), the State was confessional, the difference between the sacred and the profane was only just intuitively perceived and was part of a long and complex process, which in a sense, ended upon the arrival of Niccolo Machiavelli’s definition of the State. John of Salisbury formulates the following opinions on the essence of power: Firstly, it is a vision of a sinless monarch. According to him, it is basically the only condition of the recognition of the ruler as a real prince (princeps). The opposite of this legitimate authority is a tyrant. The requiremen there is appropriate education. It has to be princeps educatus (litteratus). Secondly, it is the organic vision of the state in which the political body is governed by the head, which is the habitat of reason, which is only subject to the conscience or the clergy. The construction of the State reflects the wisdom of God, who created man “in his own image and likeness”. Therefore, the State is the reflection (expression) of humanity and its reasonable part. Thirdly, the particular parts of the State (its members) imitate the man and interact with one another. The two values which were earlier raised by St. Augustine: ordinis and pax can be ensured by reasonable and thus fair authority of a prince, which was already named as public authority by John of Salisbury. Fourthly, the authority of prince is exercised in protecting the law of God both by him and by his subjects, and its objective is the realisation of the common good. The implementation of the above objectives in practice is to be the result of certain rational guarantees which are formulated by John of Salisbury towards the authority of prince. 
PL
Średniowiecze było epoką dualizmu władzy. Ujęcie i rozumienie władzy było wówczas dynamiczne. Inaczej problem ten kształtował się we wczesnym średniowieczu, a inaczej w średniowiecznym okresie „oświecenia”. W takiej sytuacji po argumenty racjonalne, czy racjonalizujące, sięgali zarówno zwolennicy papalistycznej wizji państwa, jak i koncepcji autonomicznej władzy świeckiej. Pamiętać należy o tym, że w czasach Jana z Salisbury (ok. 1115–1180) państwo miało charakter wyznaniowy, różnica pomiędzy sacrum i profanum była dopiero intuicyjnie postrzegana, będąc fragmentem długiego i złożonego procesu, który w pewnym sensie zakończy dopiero definicja państwa Niccolo Machiavellego. Jan z Salisbury formułuje następujące opinie dotyczące istoty władzy. Po pierwsze, jest to wizja bezgrzesznego monarchy. To jest w zasadzie jedyny jego zdaniem warunek uznania panującego za prawdziwego księcia (princepsa). Przeciwieństwem takiej prawowitej władzy jest tyran. Służyć temu ma wymóg odpowiedniego wykształcenia. Ma to być princeps educatus (litteratus). Po drugie, organiczna wizja państwa, w którym ciałem politycznym zarządza głowa, czyli siedlisko rozumu, poddana jedynie zwierzchności sumienia, czyli klerowi. Budowa państwa odzwierciedla mądrość Boga, który stworzył człowieka „na swój obraz i podobieństwo”. Stąd państwo jest odbiciem (wyrazem) człowieczeństwa i jego rozumnej części. Po trzecie, poszczególne części państwa (jego członki) imitują człowieka i współdziałają ze sobą. Dwie wartości podnoszone wcześniej przez świętego Augustyna: ordinis i pax są możliwe do zapewnienia dzięki racjonalnie działającej i w efekcie sprawiedliwej władzy księcia nazwanej przez Jana z Salisbury władzą publiczną. Po czwarte, władza księcia realizuje się w strzeżeniu prawa Bożego zarówno przez niego, jak i przez poddanych, a jej celem jest realizacja dobra wspólnego. Realizacja powyższych założeń w praktyce ma być efektem pewnych rozumowych gwarancji, które wobec władzy księcia formułuje Jan z Salisbury. 
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Lew Dawidowicz Trocki o wojnie polsko-bolszewickiej 1919–1920

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Dubel L.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius)
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2019
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vol. 66
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issue 2
EN
The paper aims to reconstruct Lev Davidovich Trotsky’s views on the Polish-Bolshevik War of 1919–1920. It emphasises a merely incidental relation of his theory of permanent revolution with the beginnings, progress and ending of this war. It also indicates the flexibility of Trotsky’s views and attitudes resulting from the changeable fates of the armed conflict. It stresses the practical achievements of this politician within the sphere of the development of the Red Army, as well as his ability to separate political aims from the direct command of the army. It indicates that this war was not, basically, in the political interest of either party to the conflict, and was not beneficial to either of them. Hence Trotsky’s pacifist inclinations to end it. On the part of Poland, this war was not based on ideological or nationalist reasons. It was about realising a certain vision of the borders of the Polish State. On Red Russia’s part, contrary to appearances, it did not result from the assumption of a necessary bringing of the revolution on its bayonets into Western Europe, but it was, to a large extent, of defensive nature.
PL
Tekst dotyczy rekonstrukcji poglądów Lwa Dawidowicza Trockiego na wojnę polsko-bolszewicką 1919–1920. Podkreśla się zaledwie incydentalny związek jego teorii rewolucji permanentnej z początkiem, przebiegiem i zakończeniem tej wojny. Wskazana jest elastyczność poglądów Trockiego wynikająca ze zmiennych losów konfliktu zbrojnego. Podkreślone są praktyczne osiągnięcia tego polityka w obszarze budowy Armii Czerwonej, a także jego umiejętność oddzielania celów politycznych od bezpośredniego dowodzenia wojskiem. Wskazuje się, że ta wojna zasadniczo nie leżała w interesie politycznym obu stron konfliktu i żadnej z nich nie przyniosła korzyści. Stąd pacyfistyczne skłonności Trockiego do jej zakończenia. Ze strony Polski nie była to wojna uzasadniona względami ideologicznymi czy narodowościowymi. Chodziło o realizację pewnej wizji granic państwa polskiego. Ze strony Rosji Czerwonej (wbrew pozorom) nie wynikała zaś z założenia koniecznego wniesienia rewolucji na jej bagnetach na teren Europy Zachodniej, lecz miała w znacznej mierze charakter defensywny.
7
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Metodologiczne wizje i koncepcje G.L. Seidlera

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Dubel L.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius)
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2014
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vol. 61
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issue 1
EN
The methodological concepts of Grzegorz Leopold Seidler touched upon numerous important issues involved in the cultivation of legal sciences. Formulated on different levels of abstraction, they addressed the most significant issues of the academic discipline of law, as well as other social sciences. In the field of legal sciences, they were mainly connected with the philosophy of law, the theory of law, the history of political and legal doctrines, the history of the State and law, and the constitutional and administrative law. However, His academic research interests also corresponded to the political sciences, and the theory of organisation and management.  Frequently, these were the visions and ideas which turned into concepts due to the endeavours by Professor, or subsequently his students. The same was the case with the history of political and legal doctrines, a research discipline that has been cultivated since the nineteenth century. His ideas were, however, rooted in a concrete historical situation.  The whole academic research life of G.L. Seidler was characterised, among other things, by the attempt to define the subject and the method of his basic research area and exposition, i.e. the political and legal thought. It needs to be emphasised that he was not only interested in the history of legal thought, but the modern political thought as well. The methodological pursuits and their consequent continuation that were actually present in nearly all of the author’s works, inspire admiration for their pioneering nature as well as the depth of exploration of this research area.  The critical appraisal of the methodological proposals by G.L. Seidler covered the definition of the research subject, i.e. the approach and concept of doctrine, the proposal to systematise the periodisation of political thought, and certain conclusions stemming from the applied research method.  The importance of these studies may be evaluated on many levels. Among the most major ones seems to be its capability to inspire a discussion among the historians of political and legal thought concerning the author’s theses. Another aspect of the appeal of the methodological ideas is the extent of its acceptance, i.e. whether and to what extend it was accepted by historians of doctrines. The author of the present article puts forward a thesis that in both aspects Grzegorz Leopold Seidler’s thought was academically significant and still is an important source for the methodological reflections by contemporary authors.
PL
W artykule nie zamieszczono abstraktu
8

„Upojeni wolnością”. Historia i idee Praskiej Wiosny jako próba wdrożenia socjalizmu z ludzką twarzą

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Dubel L., Niemczyk M.
Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem
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2014
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vol. 36
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issue 4
9 - 32
EN
The events in Czechoslovakia referred to as the Prague Spring were not about overthrowing the system but were agenuine attempt to introduce a“socialism with ahuman face”. The aim of the article is to examine the history and ideas (especially the idea of freedom) that constituted the foundations of the Prague Spring. The authors do this, taking into account several research perspectives relating to doctrine, political-legal solutions and civic engagement. In addition, they analyse the ideological documents behind these events, i.e. the programme of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the Two Thousand Words manifesto and documents of the 14th Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia.
9
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From St. Thomas’ teaching to Thomism. History of doctrines

63%
Dubel L., Łuszczyńska M.
Studia Iuridica Lublinensia
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2013
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vol. 19
EN
The aim of the article is to show the process of reading and interpreting the assumptions of St. Thomas Aquinas’ doctrine. The authors indicate that the main reasons of the diverse effect of Aquinas intellectual heirs’ scholarly activity are social and political realities of the age and philosophical currents they followed and faced.In almost every generation there have been new varieties of Thomism resulting from the reception of Thomas’ teaching, which is a multifarious and internally diversified phenomenon. The authors show the attitude to the interpretation of Aquinas’ doctrine from the Middle Ages till the end of the 20th century and they advance a thesis that this evolutionary process was both qualitative and quantitative.
PL
Brak abstraktu w języku polskim
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