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EN
Polling of the general public opinions and behaviors in politics permanently entered mass media and also became a serious source of political commentaries and analysis. The author of this paper considers possible risks and possibilities due to exploiting results of public surveys done by research institutions and then used for scientific analysis and commenting current political processes. Research question which the author poses, pertains to credibility conditions of political surveys as the sources of data used for political analyses. This author puts forward a hypothesis that credibility of data gained from research providers depends essentially on many factors, such as methodology used, technical approach to research, realization, and familiarity with both as well as evaluative competence of scientists. The author points out good and bad points of particular research procedures and shows basic criteria used as the basis on which a political scientist may be able to assess the quality of survey’s data or compare results of various surveys. In a situation where voters’ and politicians’ communication reality is constantly changing and mass media influence the voting process, opinion polls become an important player on the political scene, and this is why they are evaluated on their credibility. It often happens that opinion pollsters are accused of deliberate lies. The following aspects were analyzed in this text: specifis of the method used in researching public opinions, surveys used in political science, detailed considerations pertaining to research character, research sample, realization indices, tools and techniques, and fially, conclusions concerning the credibility evaluation of survey’s opinion.  
EN
The article contains a handful of reflections on the concept of limiting the term of office of mayors and city presidents in the context of the weakness of civil society in Poland . Serious arguments about the deformation of the system of local government cited by supporters of restricting the permissible term of office collide with the conviction of opponents of change, who plead on the fundamental values that underlie self-government and constitutional freedoms. All of these arguments ignore the significance of the activity of the local community, which normally fills the role of the regulator in the system of local government.
PL
Artykuł zawiera garść refleksji na temat koncepcji limitowania kadencji wójtów, burmistrzów, prezydentów miast w kontekście słabości społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce. Poważne argumenty o deformacji systemu samorządowego przytaczane przez zwolenników ograniczenia dopuszczalnych kadencji krzyżują się z przekonaniem przeciwników zmian, którzy powołują się na podstawowe wartości, które legły u podstaw samorządu oraz konstytucyjne wolności. Wszystkie argumenty pomijają znaczenie aktywności społeczności lokalnej, która w normalnych warunkach wypełnia rolę regulatora w systemie samorządowym.
EN
The change of the election law for the communal autonomy election in 2002, which introduced the direct election of monitors, mayors, and city presidents had both many supporters as well as many opponents. The supporters of this change believed that the reinforcement of the executive organ position will solve many of the hitherto problems associated with the functioning of the local government. They hoped it will stabilize the monitors’ authority, reduce the conflicts with the communal council, accelerate the decision making and above all it will again win the residents’ attention for the local problems. The opponents of the new solutions were afraid of the consequences of possible personal mistakes, i.e. giving relatively a lot of authority in the hands of the wrong people. The first election with the changed election law didn’t bring any significant increase in the voters engagement. The main point of the deliberations in this paper is the analysis of the factors which may affect the behaviour of the residents in the future election. The author recognizes two groups of factors: the system factors (for example: the political culture and the condition of the so called “civic society”) and the local and circumstantial factors (for example: the relationship between the monitor and the communal council, the sense of subjectivity – the alienation of the residents, the perspicuity of the present monitor’s politic, the phenomenon of making political the decisions of authority associated with the local problems, the local conflicts). The author makes an assumption that the voters engagement in the council’s problems will increase in time as the effect of the strengthen executive authority in the commune as the personalization of the responsibility for decisions is the expected by the society direction of changes.
EN
The subject of discussion in this article is the issue of the referendum repealing the executive authorities in the municipality. In recent years the number of referenda repealing mayors and presidents of cities has significantly increased. Nonetheless, the low effectiveness of theses referendums caused by low voter turnout results surprising. It seems as if the repealing referendums turned from the strongest direct democracy institution into a tool that the potential candidates for mayor use for eliminating from the electoral list people that fulfill these functions for many consecutive years. The lack of effectiveness of the repealing referendums seems to attest to the fact that local communities are rarely willing to participate in such activities. This article contains the results of the surveys on public attitudes towards repealing referendums, as well as the measurement of attitudes towards non-participation in the repealing referendum in order to invalidate them.
EN
Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza wpływu stażu parlamentarnego kandydatów ubiegających się w wyborach bezpośrednich o stanowiska wójtów, burmistrzów i prezydentów miast na odsetek uzyskiwanych przez nich głosów. Wśród ogółu zakwalifikowanych startów wyborczych od 2002 do 2014 roku do stanowisk kierow- ników gminnej egzekutywy (N = 33 680), w 327 przypadkach o to stanowisko ubiegały się osoby ze stażem parlamentarnym, czyli zasiadający w Parlamencie RP uprzednio (od 2001 roku) i/lub w trakcie poszczególnych bezpośrednich wyborów wójtów, burmistrzów, prezydentów miasta. Wyniki analizy wskazują na to, że staż parlamentarny odbiera głosy w gminach o mniejszej liczbie mieszkańców, nie jest natomiast efektywną zmienną wpływającą na wzrost szansy wyboru w dużych ośrodkach miejskich.
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