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EN
The erection of the brick castle of the Teutonic Order in Nidzica (border territory of the state of the Teutonic Order with Mazovia), intended as the seat of the Teutonic pfleger, directly subordinate to the commander of Ostróda, began at the end of the 14th century. The castle has so far been studied almost solely by historians of art, who were not entirely familiar with the numerous medieval written sources that referred to it. The analysis of the records (documents, correspondence, bills, stock lists) carried out in this article provides answers to two key questions. First, the brick castle of the Teutonic pfleger in Nidzica, which has survived to this day, was built in the period of 1399–1409, contrary to the suggestions of previous researchers, who dated it about 20 years earlier. The main (western) wing was completed in 1405. In the following years, intensive construction work was carried out on the other three wings of the main castle and the surrounding defensive curtain wall (and possibly the outer bailey). In March 1409, the first mention of a Teutonic pfleger appeared in the sources, and the newly built castle became his headquarters. Secondly, the earlier wood-earthen fortress (probably erected in the 1350s) was placed in a different location, which is still unrecognized today.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2021
|
vol. 86
|
issue 4
55-69
EN
The analysis of primary sources presented in this article determines that the career of Michael Küchmeister in the administrative structures of the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia until 1410 at certain points significantly differed from what the scholarly literature previously assumed. His first office to appear in primary sources was the castle commander of the Commandry of Rhein, newly established in 1394. After that territorial administration unit was dissolved in 1397, Küchmeister held other offices in the Commandry of Balga, such as the companion of a local commander and the Pfleger of Rastenburg. However, in 1400 he certainly was not the Schäffer of Elbing. Immediately before the end of June 1402, Küchmeister was appointed the Großschäffer of Königsberg. Most likely he held this office until the end of September 1404. From this moment, he was probably the Pfleger of Gerdauen for a year and then in September 1405, he was granted the office of a Vogt in Samogitia which had been re-conquered by the Teutonic Order. He stayed there until August 1409. In September 1409, by command of Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen, he set out on a diplomatic mission to Hungary. Unfortunately, there is no record of his actions in the period of six months between August 1409 and April 1410. At the end of April 1410, he was appointed the Vogt in the Teutonic Neumark. The further steps in the career of Küchmeister, who eventually reached the office of the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order in January 1414, are well known.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2010
|
vol. 75
|
issue 2
87-102
EN
If examining the course of the battle of Koronowo of 10 October 1410 comes up against serious restrictions due to scarce sources, then secondary aspects of the battle (such as the question of Teutonic enemy prisoners) are better known. The Teutonic army consisted predominantly of foreign regulars (from Germany and Silesia) and knights, courtiers and household members from the circle of Sigismund of Luxembourg. At least 300 enemy prisoners were captured, 68 of whom are known by their names. As the sources unanimously say, Władysław Jagiełło treated them courteously. He tried to convince them that Poland had acted right. Their names were recorded and they were allowed to go after a few days on the condition that they appeared with ransom in the appropriate place and time. All those measures probably were used in relation to foreign regulars and knights-courtiers of Sigismund of Luxembourg, as Teutonic brothers and Teutonic subordinates participating in the battle were not let go (seemingly, the latter group was not under the authority of the King, but the Polish knights who had captured them). The sources do not give clear data concerning the manner, time and conditions of releasing enemy prisoners from the battle of Koronowo. Beside the requirement to pay ransom, in some cases there were attempts to exchange Teutonic enemy prisoners for Polish knights captured by the Teutonic army (particularly in September 1410). The outcome is not known. The status of some prisoners caused problems to the Teutonic authorities too, as they had to give money for compensations, journeys to the place to leave ransom, and perhaps for ransom for regulars (but without paying them during their time of imprisonment). Knight-courtiers of Sigismund of Luxembourg were treated differently (as visitorsvolunteers), as the Teutonic authorities did not want to give them money for ransom. It led to prolonged conflicts and – according to the Teutonic authorities – to unfounded claims on their part. It seems that the major part of enemy prisoners from the battle of Koronowo (however not all of them) were given back their freedom within a few months after concluding the First Peace of Thorn (after 1 February 1411).
XX
It is hard to say something certain about the origin of the earliest form of oath-taking in Prussia on the basis of the few thirteenth century sources. Forms described in the sources might have been imported from the Romance language-speaking countries, possibly through papal legates: William of Modena, Jacob of Liege and Philip of Fermo. In towns founded on the Lübeck law in the Monastic State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia in the 13th century there might have existed customs of oath-taking copied from towns of the Reich (the standing position, the less frequent kneeling position, two fi ngers of the right hand placed on the relics kept in reliquaries). A larger number of preserved sources from the Late Middle Ages (the 14th–15th centuries) may lead to a conclusion that in terms of gestures and forms of oath-taking the Monastic State had adopted practices from the Reich (with some exceptions- a lack of reliquary box) and partly from Poland. It concerns mainly the manner of touching the “sacred” (more frequently the term may have referred to a crucifix rather than to a reliquary) with two fingers (the middle and index fingers) of the right hand. The direction and chronology of spreading such practices still remain unknown. Undoubtedly, the practice of oath-taking by the clergy (with the hand placed on the Gospel Book) and by bishops (with the hands crossed on the chest) was adopted from Western Europe (the Romance speaking countries?). At least from the end of the 15th century in Prussia practices took place which differed signifi cantly from the ones occurring in Poland, the Reich or other West European countries. Such distinct practices included oath-taking expressed by touching the neck with the hand, the right hand being placed on the cross sewn on the monastic coat or fingers being raised towards the sun. Nevertheless, it is too early to define their origin. Hopefully, further intensive research over the problem (with a wider use of iconographic sources) will bring new interesting findings.
EN
It was not until a short time ago that scientists noticed the research potential of notarial instruments for the examination of the topography of Malbork Castle in the Middle Ages. Documents of this type were characterized by a particularly exact definition of the place where they were drawn up. Up to now there have survived over 200 notarial instruments made out in Malbork castle between 1324 and 1454, at least 90 of which bear the name of the exact place where they were drawn up. In general, the detailed analysis of the sources leads to the conclusion that the “palace” of grand masters, situated in the southern part of the western wing of the densely laid out first internal settlement outside the castle walls was erected at the beginning of the 1330s (before March 1333). Its reconstruction, which gave it its present spatial form, might have finished at the beginning of the 1370s. In a few rooms of the “palace” notarial instruments were displayed most oft en. They were: the Winter Refectory in the central-southern part of the floor, “the council room” in the central-southern part of the ground floor and the chamber (“stubella”, “camera”, “commodum”) occupied by grand masters on the first floor in the north-east part of the “palace”. Quite oft en the place where notarial documents were drawn up was the Great Refectory in the western wing of the densely laid out first internal settlement outside the castle on the occasion of various chapter assemblies of the Teutonic Knights. The content of the document of 15 September 1337 proves that the room already existed at that time. In other rooms of Malbork Castle notarial instruments were drawn up sporadically. Such places included: “the old woodcarving workshop” in the first external settlement outside the castle, “upper chambers” of great commanders in the eastern part of the northern wing of the densely laid out first internal settlement outside the castle, “upper chambers” of treasurers in St. Ann’s Church in the eastern part of the fi rst internal settlement outside the castle, the coach house in the eastern part of the second settlement outside the castle. In the proper convent in the High Castle notarial instruments were drawn up very rarely. Th ere exist only two documented cases of notarial instruments drawn up in the main temple situated upstairs in the eastern part of the northern wing and in one of the arms of the internal cloister of the castle.
EN
The analyses performed in the paper indicate that the construction works on the brick Teutonic Commandery Castle in Pokarmin (Brandenburg) started in the 1280s (perhaps around 1283). This coincided with the decision to make it the headquarters of the order and the seat of the commander, which took place at the end of 1283 or at the beginning of 1294. The castle was more or less finished (the main wing and the curtain wall surrounding the whole site?) in 1290. At the beginning of the 14th century (before 1306) it had two or three wings and was built on a rectangular plane. By no means was the castle in Pokarmin the first or model regular castle in the State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia, which was a common assumption among scholars up until now. This issue is still being researched, but more and more information points to Papowo in the Chełmno land as the first regular (square), four‑wing commandery castle in Prussia. We are still not certain, however, if by the end of the 13th century its construction had been completed.
DE
Im Artikel wird die Person des Informanten des Deutschen Ordens mit dem Spitznamen „N.S. Arman“ dargestellt. Die Ausführungen stützen sich auf Berichte, die von ihm in den Jahren 1451 und 1453 an den Hochmeister des Deutschen Ordens - Ludwig von Erlichshausen, gerichtet wurden. Dabei wird ein Versuch unternommen, die Datierung der Berichte, die mit keinem Jahresdatum versehen sind, ungefähr zu bestimmen. Die Analyse der darin enthaltenen Informationen ergab, dass es sich bei dem Spion um den aus Thorn stammenden Bürger der Stadt Rippin - Niclos Scharar, handelt, der Klient und Faktotum des Woiwoden von Brieg - Jan Kretkowski, und später auch dessen Sohnes - Andrzej, war. In Scharars Briefen findet man ein breites Panorama des ständischen Lebens in Polen sowie Schilderungen der polnischlitauischen Beziehungen, insbesondere im Hinblick auf Territorialstreitigkeiten um Wolhynien und Podolien, der Leistungen des Königs Kasimir des Jagiellonen, Einfälle von Tataren bzw. Kriege im polnisch-schlesischen Grenzgebiet. Die Berichte enthalten hingegen kaum einen Hinweis auf den damals bereits intensiven Kontaktaustausch zwischen der preußischen Opposition und verschiedenen politischen Zentren in Polen. Dies lässt den Schluss zu, dass der Verkehr für die Auftraggeber von Niclos aus dem Deutschen Orden eine geringe Rolle spielte. Scharars Berichte sind in besonderem Maße für die zeitgenössische Forschung von Bedeutung, da sie Informationen über das innenpolitische Leben des Königreichs Polen zu Beginn der 1550er Jahre liefern.
EN
This authors of this article discuss the figure of the Teutonic informant with the pseudonym “N.S. Arman”, based on reports addressed by him to the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order Ludwig von Erlichschausen in 1451 and 1453. They have attempted to establish an indicative date for those of the reports that did not have annual dates. After analyze the scope of the messages included in these sources, the spy was identified with Niclos Scharar, a Rypin burgher from Toruń, a client and handyman of the Brest voivode Jan Kretkowski, and then his son Andrzej. In Scharar’s letters we find a wide panorama of state life in Poland, a description of relations between Poland and Lithuania, related in particular to territorial disputes over Volhynia and Podolia, the actions of King Kazimierz Jagiellończyk, Tatar invasions, as well as wars on the Polish-Silesian borderland. However, the data from these reports contain almost no references to the intensive contacts of the Prussian opposition with various political centers in Poland, which were already ongoing at that time. This allows the scholars to conclude that their value for the Teutonic principals of Niclos was small. Scharar’s reports, however, are of great importance for contemporary researchers in the context of the information they contain regarding the internal political life of the Kingdom of Poland in the early 1450s.
PL
W artykule omówiono postać krzyżackiego informatora o pseudonimie „N.S. Arman”, opierając się na raportach kierowanych przez niego do wielkiego mistrza zakonu krzyżackiego Ludwika von Erlichschausen w latach 1451 i 1453. Podjęto również próbę ustalenia orientacyjnej datacji tych spośród raportów, które nie posiadały dat rocznych. Po przeprowadzeniu analizy zakresu wiadomości zamieszczonych w tych źródłach dokonano identyfikacji szpiega z wywodzącym się z Torunia mieszczaninem rypińskim Niclosem Schararem, klientem i totumfackim wojewody brzeskiego Jana Kretkowskiego, a następnie jego syna Andrzeja. W listach Scharara znajdujemy szeroką panoramę życia stanowego w Polsce, opis relacji pomiędzy Polską a Litwą, szczególnie w aspekcie sporów terytorialnych o Wołyń i Podole, poczynań króla Kazimierza Jagiellończyka, najazdów tatarskich, a także wojen na pograniczu polsko-śląskim. Dane z tych raportów nie zawierały jednak niemal wcale odniesień do trwających już wówczas intensywnych kontaktów opozycji pruskiej z różnymi ośrodkami politycznymi w Polsce. Pozwala to zatem uznać, że ich wartość dla krzyżackich mocodawców Niclosa była niewielka. Raporty Scharara mają wszakże wielkie znaczenie dla współczesnych badaczy w kontekście płynących z nich informacji dotyczących wewnętrznego życia politycznego Królestwa Polskiego na początku lat 50. XV wieku.
PL
The article concerned the issue of French architects, builders, stone masons and sculptors in Latin Europe in the latter thirteenth century. The authors presented the travels and activities in Europe of Pierre d’Angicourt, Pierre de Chaule, Jean de Toul, and Étienne de Bonneuil. The heart of the analysis conducted in the article is an attempt to state the extent of the participation of architects, builders, stonemasons and sculptors from the territory of present-day France in the process in the latter half of the thirteenth century. It is worth noting that the topic is analyzed in view of written sources from the epoch, which are often disregarded in similar studies.
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