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PL
Słowenia zaliczana jest do tych państw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, w których często przeprowadzane są referenda na szczeblu krajowym. W latach 1996–2016 przeprowadzono 16 referendów ustawodawczych, a pod głosowanie poddano 22 sprawy do rozstrzygnięcia. Była to na tyle znacząca liczba głosowań, że zarówno rząd, jak i Zgromadzenie Państwowe podjęły próbę ograniczenia liczby referendum z obawy o możliwość paraliżu procesu ustawodawczego. Celem artykułu jest analiza prawna instytucji demokracji bezpośredniej w systemie prawnym Słowenii, omówienie roli, jaką pełni referendum w procesie politycznym Słowenii oraz ukazanie następstw nowelizacji konstytucji w 2013 roku odnoszącej się bezpośrednio do ograniczenia kręgu podmiotów uprawnionych do zainicjowania referendum.
EN
Slovenia is one of those countries in Central and Eastern Europe, where referenda are often conducted at national level. Between 1996–2016 16 legislative referenda were held, and 22 subjects of the vote were decided by people in referenda. This was a significant number of referenda that both the Government and the State Assembly tried to limit the number of referendums due to concerns about the possibility of paralyzing the legislative process. The article is a legal analysis of direct democracy institutions in Slovenian legal system. The paper discusses the role of the referendum in the political system of Slovenia and explores the consequences of the constitutional amendment in 2013, which directly relates to limiting the range of entities authorized to initiate a referendum.
EN
The aim of this paper is to discuss specific form of decision-making process – Landsgemeinde (i.e. open assembly) which is one of the oldest and the simplest forms of direct democracy practiced in two German-speaking cantons: Glarus and Appenzell Innerrhoden. This assembly democracy survived in Switzerland for more than 600 years and became part of Swiss identity. The article explores both advantages as well as defects of open-air democracy.
PL
Artykuł porusza kwestię odwoływania się Czechów do jednej z najbardziej znaczących form demokracji bezpośredniej – referendum. Czesi nie są zwolennikami głosowania ludowego na poziomie ogólnokrajowym. W dalszym ciągu nie wypracowali ustawy o referendum ogólnokrajowym. Tylko raz przeprowadzone zostało referendum na poziomie ogólnokrajowym w prawie przystąpienia do UE. Obywatele Czech, jak i partie rządzące, są zwolennikami demokracji przedstawicielskiej. Sytuacja nieco inaczej wygląda na poziomie lokalnym, gdzie statystyka dotycząca zorganizowanych referendów lokalnych jest znacznie bogatsza, a wyniki głosowania świadczą o systematycznie rosnącej świadomości społecznej obywateli.
EN
The article discusses the use of the Czechs one of the most significant forms of direct democracy – the referendum. The Czechs are not supporters of national popular vote. They still have not worked out a law on a national referendum. Only once a referendum was held at the national level – the EU accession referendum. The citizens of the Czech Republic and the ruling parties are supporters of representative democracy. The situation is slightly different at the local level, where statistics on the numer of organized local referenda are much richer, and the results of the popular vote show the systematically increasing public awareness of the citizens.
PL
Belgia od 1993 roku jest państwem federalnym, podzielonym na wspólnoty, regiony i regiony językowe. Różnice kulturowe, religijne, etniczne i językowe mieszkańców Belgii doprowadziły do przyjęcia federalnej struktury państwa. Parlament federalny składa się z dwóch izb. Skład Senatu stanowi odzwierciedlenie zróżnicowania Belgii. Odrębności etnicznie i językowe Belgów uwzględnione są również w systemie wyborczym do parlamentu federalnego Belgii. Warta podkreślenia jest pionierska postawa Belgii w odniesieniu do wprowadzenia przymusu wyborczego na terenie całego kraju w 1893 roku oraz głosowania elektronicznego na początku lat 90. XX wieku.
EN
Belgium has been a federal state since 1993, divided into linguistic communities, regions and language regions. The cultural, religious, ethnic and linguistic differences of the inhabitants of Belgium led to the adoption of the federal structure of the state. The federal parliament consists of two chambers. The composition of the Senate reflects the diversity of Belgium. The ethnic and linguistic distinctiveness of the Belgians are also included in the electoral system of the federal parliament of Belgium. Worthy of note is the pioneering attitude of Belgium with regard to the introduction of mandatory voting throughout the country in 1893 and electronic voting in the early 1990s.
PL
Artykuł omawia wpływ referendum konstytucyjnego na system polityczny Włoch. We Włoszech przeprowadzono trzy referenda konstytucyjne w 2001, 2006 i 2016 roku. Wszystkie referenda rozpisane zostały przez ugrupowania rządzące, ale tylko pierwsze z nich zakończyło się sukcesem. W kolejny referendach propozycje refom konstytucyjnych zostały odrzucone przez społeczeństwo. Przyjęta hipoteza badawcza zakłada, że referendum przekształcało się w plebiscyt popularności rządu, a wyniki głosowania ludowego zależały od poparcia lub jego braku dla rządzących. Dla wyjaśnienia problemów badawczych zastosowano metodę dogmatyczną i komparatystyczną. Ta pierwsza pozwoli na analizę instytucji referendum w systemie prawno-konstytucyjnym Włoch. Z kolei metoda porównawcza wyjaśni różnice w wynikach referendum ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem podziału geograficznego kraju
EN
This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.
EN
Germany is a democratic state of law that respects human rights. As a member of the Council of Europe, in 1952 it implemented into its domestic law the European Convention on Human Rights - an international document on universal protection of human rights adopted by the Council of Europe. The aim of the article is to analyze whether and to what extent German citizens filed individual complaints to the European Court of Human Rights over the past nine years (2006-2014). The article seeks to answer the question if the German system of human rights protection is effective. One of the indicators of effectiveness is the number of complaints brought from Germany to the ECtHR in relation to the number of inhabitants and also compared to the total number of complaints from the 47 member states of the Council of Europe. The analysis will cover statistics on the number of judgments in German cases before the Court in Strasbourg issued between 2006 and 2014. This will be helpful in determining the degree and the type of violations by the German state of the human rights protected by the European Convention on Human Rights.
EN
Despite the over 60 years’ experience with European integration (since the Paris Treaty), it remains permeated with certain distinctions and dissimilarities with respect to particular Member States. The Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) is the best example of differentiated integration, since as early as its initial construction it contained signifi cant differences vis-à-vis Member States. The third stage of the EMU (in force since 1 January 1999), the introduction of the single European currency, did not encompass all 15 Member States, but only 11 of them. Greece joined it only in 2002, and the United Kingdom and Denmark had negotiated an opt-out provision in the Maastricht Treaty. This article explores differentiated integration in the EMU framework, and presents as well the consequences for the countries outside the ‘hard core’ of currency integration, i.e. those states which are the subjects of temporary derogations and which are obliged, by their Accession Treaties, to accept the European currency in the future.
EN
The article discusses the possible introduction of the euro in Poland. The legal and social aspects of responding to the will of the people on this matter have been analyzed. The accession of a Member State to the Economic and Monetary Union is subject to conditions, specifi ed by convergence criteria, to ensure good preparation of that Member State for the adoption of a single European currency and its integration with the eurozone. Poland is subject to a temporary derogation, which means that it is obliged to join the Economic and Monetary Union after meeting these criteria. Despite of the lack of a deadline for the adoption of the euro by Member States that joined the EU in 2004 or later, the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU (Article 119) requires them to introduce common currency in an indefi nite future. In Poland, the issue occasionally raised in the discussion is that citizens should decide in the referendum whether to convert the zloty into euro. Taking into account the predominance of unfavourable attitude to adopting the European currency and strong concerns about its negative impact on the Polish economy and domestic households, it is reasonable to question whether in such circumstances the decision to adopt the euro is legitimate and whether the public opinion may be crucial in the process of adoption common currency in Poland. What legal nuances are important in the referendum on the euro? The experience of other states that have been responsive to the will of the people on the adoption of the euro should be a warning. The Swedes and Danes voted to retain the national currency, based not merely on economic arguments, but also on national symbols.
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Model władzy w państwach postsowieckich

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EN
The aim of this article is to show the evolution of the model of power in the former Soviet states on the example of Belarus, Azerbaijan and Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan). The research task of this article is to answer the following questions: Why in the post- Soviet states the most attractive and the most effective is the quasi-authoritarian system? Which factors influenced on deep-rooted authoritarianism in analyzed counties? Why the post-Soviet republics society accepts such a model? And finally, are any chances of the regime’s transition towards the classical democratic system? The role of the referendum in increasing the power of the president will be explored, too.
EN
According to comparative studies, the level of women’s participation in parliaments of individual countries is constantly growing. It was undoubtedly influenced by social and cultural conditions as well as institutional factors, such as various variants of gender quotas. Electoral systems and their constituent elements (electoral formulas, constituencies, voting structure) continue to influence women’s electoral success. Proportional electoral systems are still more favourable to women than majority systems. Empirical studies have confirmed that women have also a better chance to be elected when competing in large constituencies and closed party list systems. Linking women’s electoral quotas to the above elements of electoral systems definitely influences the representativeness of parliaments and the participation of women in them.
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