Search results

1

POLAND - GERMANY: SOFT POWER TOOLS IN FOREIGN POLICY (Polska - Niemcy: narzedzia miekkiej sily w polityce zagranicznej)

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Ociepka B.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2011

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issue 2(339)

47-63

EN

The article presents Polish-German relations following the treaty on good neighbors and friendly cooperation from the perspective of a growing importance of soft power tools used by both countries in their mutual relations. In the last twenty years, due to changes in the international milieu, Germany and Poland developed the traditional tools of cultural diplomacy and introduced new concepts of public diplomacy. The new tools employed by Germany involve foreign image policy which is a manifestation of the economization of this country's foreign policy. The significance of Poland as the target country of German cultural diplomacy is currently smaller than at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. In Poland, promotional activities connected with economic transformation have led to the formulation of the conception of public diplomacy, with Germany as one of the target countries. The article refers to the notion of soft power in the interpretation proposed by J. Nye.

2

THE PAST IN THE PRESENT. THE EXPULSED GERMAN IN POLISH MEDIA

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Zaborski M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2007

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issue 1(322)

195-215

EN

The article tries to re-create the picture of the expulsed German that has been created by the Polish media. The author makes use of the results of monitoring nationwide radio and TV stations. On the basis of the analysis he calls attention to the context in which the category of expulsed persons appears in the media - such as Polish-German relationships, the problem of reparations, 'the culture of memory' or the re-interpretation of history. To complete the picture, the results of an opinion poll have also been included. According to the author, the presence of the above-mentioned subject matter in the public debate shows that the war past is still alive in the consciousness of Polish and German societies and it is still a political problem.

3

THE ANTI-MISSILE SHIELD AS AN INSTRUMENT OF AMERICAN SUPREMACY IN THE INTERNATIONAL SECURITY SYSTEM (Tarcza antyrakietowa, jako instrument amerykanskiej supremacji w miedzynarodowym systemie bezpieczenstwa)

100%

Ostant W.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2009

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issue 1(330)

227-260

EN

The article aims at elucidating the problem of the so called anti-missile shield, which can be interpreted as an element of American supremacy in the international system. The study is divided into four parts that correspond to specific contexts of the analysis. The first part deals with the origin of the program of the anti-missile shield which goes back to the 1950s. Emphasis is placed on the long range of the undertaking and the favorable attitude of the American administration towards it irrespectively of the party represented in power. The second part looks at technological issues and the global character of the venture as well as its military-technological and propaganda dimensions. Part three discusses the negative attitude towards the program on the part of two countries aspiring to the status of superpowers: the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China. Attention is drawn to the efforts made by these countries to neutralize the American endeavors to maintain military supremacy. This is a topic relatively little known to the general public as it attracts marginal interest of the mass media. The last part concerns the attitude of the European countries to the American project and focuses on the polarization of standpoints of the member states of NATO and the EU.

4

CIVIC EDUCATION IN LATVIA? NO, THANKS, WE WILL JUST STICK TO PATRIOTIC UPBRINGING

100%

Curika L.

Humanities and Social Sciences: Latvia

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2008

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issue 3(56)

106-123

EN

In Europe great attention is devoted to civic education; in order to ensure the development of democratic countries, the majority of society must understand how the political system functions. A comparison of national standards for primary education and general secondary education reveals that primary school students acquire more comprehensive civic knowledge, and that education planning documents are oriented towards patriotic, not civic, education. Results of quantitative and qualitative studies confirm that students have poor knowledge about civic participation and insufficient skills for living in a democratic country. Problems existing in civic education are caused by educational standards and the process of political planning; they are also caused by covert education content (teachers' understanding of democratic participation, opinions about controversial historical aspects), the environment (democracy at school, participation of parents and students in decision making at school), passive learning and the political situation in the country. At the same time, the desire of politicians to foster patriotism can be achieved also through facilitating understanding of civic values and participation in democratic processes.

5

'NEW' GERMAN PATRIOTISM

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Mazur Z.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2008

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issue 1(326)

3-31

EN

The article characterizes the currently ongoing discussion in the Federal Republic of Germany on the shape of the so-called German patriotism. This syncretic and still rather vague conception, which has gained popularity in recent years, is yet another attempt to define German identity - after the ultra nationalistic, followed by the 'European' and finally the one summed up in the formula of 'constitutional patriotism'. Its emergence should be connected with the project of transforming Germany into a 'normal' state and nation.

6

CATALAN NATIONALISM (Nacjonalizm katalonski)

100%

Antczak A.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2009

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issue 35

113-126

EN

The article aims at presenting the sources of Catalan nationalism as well as its evolution, putting strong emphasis on social, economic and cultural characteristics of the region. It tackles some historic aspects of building national identity of the Catalans, but mostly focuses on factors determining Catalan nationalist ideology (i.e., including language and culture, economy, foreign policy and social issues). Conducted research and analysis gives strong basis to draw a conclusion that Catalan aspirations for autonomy lack a separatist element. They are rather dominated by affirmation of separate national identity, which is a result of Catalan ambition to play the most important role in Spain as well as to trace the path of development for the whole country according to the Catalan concept. Economic advancement generates the desire to possess more influence on Spanish policy, especially in the field of economy and the EU matters. Catalonia shows strong 'individualism' and would like to have a possibility of holding independent decision making processes, especially concerning the region, as there is the conviction about being exploited by the rest of the country, which has its roots in the history.

7

SPECIFIC LEGAL AND SYSTEMIC FEATURES OF THE FUNCTION OF THE HEAD OF STATE'S POLITICAL ARBITRAGE (Prawnoustrojowa specyfikacja funkcji arbitrazu politycznego glowy panstwa)

100%

Szymanek J.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2009

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issue 24

171-212

EN

The article aims at an analysis of the systemic position of the head of state, as set in the wide formula of the Parliamentary system, and of the function of the political arbitrate attributed to the head of state. It begins with a general observation that, in the case of a head of state in a parliamentary regime, the so called 'arbitrage function' is obligatory. In such a system of governance, the monarch or the president is not expected to be the leader of the executive, a factor ruling in the full meaning of the term. Quite to the contrary; in accordance with such principles of traditional Parliamentarism as 'the King can do no wrong', 'the King may not act on his own', and, lastly, 'the King reigns but he does not govern', in a Parliamentary system the head of state is moved aside, performs ceremonial functions, is a figurehead or, as the tale in the III French Republic held, is a person who cuts the ribbons at flower exhibitions. Apart from performing his representative and ceremonial entitlement, a president (a monarch) also exercises political arbitrage. The latter may take very different forms. It may be, e.g. a sport arbitrage, where the head of state is expected only to observe the rules of the game. It may be also a judicial arbitrage, where, apart from legality, the assessment of the arbiter may also be based on being right and fair. It may, finally, be arbitrage in the sense of making decisions, dangerously approaching the concept of arbitrariness, where the arbiter's actions mean a specific right to a 'free hand'; that is, the right to take decisions which are the best in the arbiter's opinion. Apart from this, the arbitrage of the head of state may take the form of value arbitrage, where the arbiter will protect those values significant to the state and its system. A so-called party arbitrage may be also indicated; this assumes that the head of state has an active role in maintaining the ruling coalitions, and, if necessary, in seeking the parliamentary majority providing a base for the government. However, whatever the type of arbitrage and whether it genuinely comes to the fore in practice or not, the arbitrage (a function of political arbitrage) is recognised as a necessary component of the structure of parliamentary governments.

8

LUBUSKIE PROVINCE - THE POTENTIAL OF THE REGION'S INFRASTRUCTURE

100%

Jakubowski E.

Rocznik Lubuski

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2007

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vol. 33

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issue 2

159-176

EN

The new territorial division of the country was introduced by the administrative reform that came into effect on 1st January 1999. The essential purpose of the local government is to facilitate economic and technological development of the province, to improve the inhabitants' standards of living. The local government is supposed to compose the guidelines for the development of the province into its regional policy. The reason why the number of provinces was diminished was the increase in economic and administrative capabilities of the province itself as well as the transference of authority to local governments in planning and implementing the regional policy. It was supposed to bring about an increase in the effectiveness of implementing the policy. It was assumed that strong economic development, the service sector, and varied and rich economy would enable economic and political changes of the large provinces.

9

The model of societal evolution

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Marosan G.

Tarsadalomkutatas (Social Science Research)

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2004

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vol. 22

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issue 1

75-90

EN

The article analyses the concepts and model of social evolution. The most important concepts of biological evolution (mutation, selection, evolution, micro-evolution, selective pressure, environment of evolutionary adaptation, evolutionary stable strategy) are taken for granted and adapted to describe some important phenomena of sociology, with their necessary adaptation to social 'institutions'. The article argues that in sociology one should use the concept of evolution as precisely as in biology. It analyses certain similarities and important differences of the two types of the evolutionary processes: the Darwinian and the Lamarckian ones. Based on the proposed concept of social evolution, it outlines the model and contour of evolutionary sociology.

10

EXTERNAL CHALLENGES FOR THE POLISH PRESIDENCY IN THE COUNCIL OF THE EU

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Dowgielewicz M.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

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2010

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vol. 13

11-18

EN

Preparations for the Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the second half of 2011 are one of the priorities of Polish foreign policy. At the same time, the starting point for the choice of priorities of the Presidency will be the development of the European Union agenda. Moreover, the defined priorities should not only reflect the internal economic and social needs of the European Union, but should also take into account translating internal actions into responses to the challenges faced by Europe in the global arena. In this sense, the Polish Presidency faces particular challenges in the external policy field which involve the legal aspects following the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, but also, and above all, the sensitive political decisions.

11

CYPRUS. TWO COUNTRIES ON ONE ISLAND? (Cypr. Dwa panstwa na jednej wyspie?)

100%

Kaplonska J.

Myśl Ekonomiczna i Prawna

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2009

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issue 3(26)

96-113

EN

The subject matter of the present article is the Cyprus issue, its complexity, a review of previous peace initiatives and solutions that could be implemented. The terms: 'Cyprus issue', 'Cyprus crisis', '- conflict', '- dispute', used interchangeably, are presently used to describe the conflict that has taken place between the Greek and Turkish parts of the island with the respective support provided to the parties by Greece and Turkey. The term is also connected with activeness of other states which are interested in the island because of their political and economic interests.The Cyprus crisis is undoubtedly one of the longest and most difficult problems in the modern international relations. This is so because it is composed of many different closely related aspects. It is commonly believed that the major ones are the ethnic composition and geo-strategic location of the island that, in practice, make the Greek-Turkish dispute a political, national, religious and territorial one. It is worth mentioning here that Cyprus is one of the last episodes of the fight between the Christians and the Muslims in the Mediterranean region and one of the last tracks of the Turkish expansion in Europe. The internal determinants overlap the simultaneous international context, including attempts made by Greece and Turkey to use the Cyprus issue further than only in their foreign policy. All these things shape the unusually complex character of the crisis and makes it even more difficult to solve. The aim of the article is to prove the thesis that the settlement of the Cyprus issue is possible and its scenarios are well-known. However, the implementation of one of them is extremely difficult at present. To solve the problem, it is necessary to work out a compromise that would be obviously connected with numerous concessions made to the opposed party. But based on the observation of the policy adopted by the authorities of the two Cypriot communities it can be stated that the concepts of good will and a desire to finish the dispute are absent from it.

12

THE BERLIN DECLARATION

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Formuszewicz R.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2007

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issue 2(323)

220-229

EN

In connection with the 50th anniversary of the signing of the Treaties of Rome, the leaders of the member states of the European Union issued a political declaration to mark the occasion. The so-called Berlin Declaration was intended as a manifestation of the EU's unity in the face of challenges of globalization. However, the document gave rise to some controversies concerning both procedural questions and emphases in its contents. For the German presidency the declaration is an important step towards resolving the crisis caused by the disruption of the process of ratification of the constitutional treaty.

13

St. NICHOLAS CHURCH AS THE ELEMENT OF PRESERVING THE IDENTITY OF THE ORTHODOX PEOPLE IN ZIELONA GÓRA

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Dudra S.

Rocznik Lubuski

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2007

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vol. 33

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issue 1

73-86

EN

The foundation of the orthodox parish in Zielona Góra was connected with the resettlement of Ukrainian and Lemko people in the framework of so-called 'Vistula operation' in 1947. The origins of the parish go back to mid-1948, when the people started to look for a building for the church. Mikolaj Proninski was the founder and the first priest of the parish in Zielona Góra from 1848 to1972. He renovated the church and equipped it with liturgical utensils. In the first years of the existence of the parish there were about 200 parishioners. For a short period of time (1972-1974), Mikolaj Poleszczuk was responsible for the parish. Then the parish was served by the nearby orthodox priests from Kozuchów, Lipiny and Poznan. It was a difficult period for the small orthodox community in Zielona Góra. They were deprived of constant and regular priest service. After a short period (February-May 1975), when the priest was Ihumen Alipiusz from Poznan, Piotr Marczak (1975-1986) took over the duties. During this period the church was renovated inside and painted. Antoni Habura was the priest of the parish in the years 1989-2006. In 1992, the newly built parish house was consecrated. It was used for choir rehearsals and meetings of the orthodox youth. Antoni Habura was responsible for the 'Bractwo Mlodziezy Prawoslawnej' movement in the Wroclaw and Szczecin Diocese. In 1997 the priest started to serve in prisons and hospitals in the parish area. Dariusz Ciolka was nominated the next priest on 20th March 2006, and then on 1st June 2006 Andrzej Dudra started his duty as his follower. The orthodox believers, as well as members of other churches existing in Zielona Góra, are part of a long tradition of Polish tolerance. Multicultural tradition, shaped among others by different religions, is an important fragment of life of the local community. St. Nicholas church became an essential element of the cultural and national identity of orthodox community in Zielona Góra. It consists of Byelorussians, Lemko people, Serbs and Ukrainians. There are about 50 families and part of them live in the villages and towns nearby.

14

THE EUROPEAN UNION'S FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE TO THE SECTOR OF SMALL AND MEDIUM ENTERPRISES

100%

Jedrzejczak-Gas J.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2008

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issue 3(328)

179-193

EN

Small and medium enterprises (SME) play an important role in the socio-economic development of Europe, and for this reason the European Union conducts an active policy of supporting their growth. In the years 2007-2013 SME will have access to many EU Programmes, Structural Funds and Initiatives which will help remove barriers obstructing their growth and will enhance their competitiveness and innovativeness. Additionally, those instruments will vitally contribute to exceeding the borders of contemporary knowledge, socio-economic development, cooperation, etc.

15

THE BARCELONA PROCESS AND ISRAEL

100%

Sznajder M.

Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies

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2006

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issue 21

147-158

EN

The paper briefly presents the Barcelona Process, the structure, and the main formal and non-formal purposes of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, resulting from the 1995 Barcelona Conference. A decade after the Barcelona Process began, there are some areas of progress but a combination of theoretical and practical-political problems has placed strong constraints in the advancement of the EMP. It turns out that what began as a major international initiative, has become a sideline in international relations. The article examines the relationship between Israel and the EMP, describing political instances in which the Israeli government makes the best of its association with the EMP. It also shows weak points in this relationship which lie in the area cooperation. Finally, the paper mentions the establishment of the European Neighborhood Policy. ENP may help to overcome some problems in the relationship between Israel and the EU.

16

The origin of G-7. The economical and political contex

100%

Matera R.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2006

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issue 18

221-239

EN

The main purpose of the article is to present the reasons for the establishment of G-7. Both economic and political changes, decisive in creating a new international forum are considered beginning with the most fundamental problems of the world economy, which influenced the launching of cyclical meetings of the richest states. The collapse of the Bretton Woods monetary system and the first oil crisis were the most destructive events in the development of the world economy in the early 70s. The most traumatic effects of the monetary and energy crisis at that time was inflation and unemployment. The recession, called commonly stagflation, was one of the most important subjects of transatlantic consultations (the economic part of the publication is supported by statistical figures and tables, which may help to understand the changes in the world economy). The process of the first enlargement of the EEC in 1973 should also be mentioned among the causes of G-7 coming into existence. This enlargement changed the attitude of U.S. policy to its European allies. The West European position in world policy and economy was much stronger since that time. The final decision about organising the first meeting of transatlantic powers was taken in Helsinki on 31st of July 1975 during the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. The very first summit with six states participating in it was held in France in 1975. The name of G-7 became official in 1976 when Canadian participants joined the representatives of France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, and the US.

17

THE ROLE OF EXPERTS IN MANAGING THE ECONOMY OF THE PEOPLE'S POLAND IN THE 1970s (Rola ekspertów w zarzadzaniu gospodarka PRL w latach siedemdziesiatych)

100%

Dwilewicz L.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2009

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issue 24

7-46

EN

The text is dedicated to the role of those people who had no formal entitlement to make decisions but, because of their professional achievements (mainly in science), enjoyed prestige in articulating the current or long-term policy of the party and the state authorities in the 1970s. The factors which increased the demand for the services of experts included the awareness of a scientific and technological revolution underway in the developed countries, resulting in support for consulting procedures, something which can be observed in the most important programmatic documents of the PUWP, as well as in the duplicated power structures of the party and the state. A yardstick which may be used to measure the impact of the expert bodies on the actions of state and party authorities is provided by the quantity and nature of the documents submitted to the deliberations of particular bodies of the party and the state. In the case of the state, the decision-making bodies were the Council of Ministers and the Presidium of the government; in the case of the party, it was the Politburo of the Central Committee of the PUWP. In general, it may be said that they were not the primary recipients of papers generated by the various types of experts. Such papers were put to use more at a lower level (e.g. that of particular ministries) or in the offices of their particular members (e.g. that of Edward Gierek). The most renowned case of experts being brought in to the decision making process by the centre of power was the appointment, in 1971, of an economic advisor to the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the PUPW, in the person of Mr. Zdzislaw Rurarz (formally, he was given a full-time position as an inspector at the CC); he was later to be replaced by Professor Pawel Bozyk. In May 1997, an entire team of scientific advisors to the 1st Secretary was appointed, chaired by Professor Bozyk. It may be said that the influence of the advisors to the 1st Secretary was scant; this resulted, to a large degree, from the concentration of the most of the decision-making power, as far as the economy was concerned, in the hands of Prime Minister, Piotr Jaroszewicz, and the deputy Prime Ministers who reported to him i.e., Mieczyslaw Jagielski and (in the years when the team of advisors was active), Tadeusz Pyka and Tadeusz Wrzaszczyk. The fact that the management of the economy was dominated by the government implied that the greatest influence was held by specialists from within its own structures, namely the lower rank clerks and the directors of the industrial groups and enterprises who acted en masse and drafted documents to meet the needs of their supervisors. Paradoxically, the activity of the team of advisors proved most significant for the further career of some of its members in the state and party structures.

18

GERMANY'S INVOLVEMENT IN THE STABILIZATION OF MACEDONIA (Zaangazowanie Niemiec na rzecz stabilizacji Macedonii)

100%

Sokolowska P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2009

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issue 4(333)

35-64

EN

The FRG authorities, in contrast to their position of 1991-1993, when they feared the reaction of Greece and other countries of the European Communities and so refused to recognize Macedonia, in the face of the Albanian-Macedonian conflict of 2001 explicitly supported the Macedonia government. In consequence, together with the other member states of the EU and NATO they engaged in the process or reestablishing peace in the region. The stance then adopted by Germany was characterized by the so-called double strategy. Following its guidelines, the German authorities condemned the actions of Albanian separatists and opted for maintaining the territorial integrity of Macedonia, emphasizing at the same time the necessity to grant Albanians full rights based on their status of national minority and the need to create a multicultural society. This obvious interest in the problems of Macedonia and the status of the Albanian population in this country probably stemmed not only from the wish to lend credence to Germany's foreign policy but also from fear of another wave of refugees flooding the FRG. Economic factors are not be disregarded either. In consequence of all those factors the Bundeswehr forces took part in separating the sides of the conflict and supervising the truce. Direct involvement of the German troops became a basis for developing a new quality in the mode of implementation of Germany's foreign policy and security. Namely, it gave rise to the concept of preventing crises through a cooperation of diplomatic, civil and military components.

19

MMIGRANT RELIGIONS: A STUDY OF RELIGIOUS DIVERSITY IN THE GCC STATES

100%

Al-Salimi A.

Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies

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2008

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issue 23

31-39

EN

During the last four decades, demographic population of the GCC states have dramatically changed and become a concern among citizens and immigrants. The attraction of expatriates in the region has also caused some changes in the political, religious, social and cultural aspects. This paper aims to examine the partial impact of expatriates on the religious development in the region. The relationships of these religions and their patterns of coexistence. The region, therefore, will undoubtedly be one of the most important key areas that will attract the attention of the researchers concerned with the economic and demographic development or with religious dialogue.

20

War in Kosovo - A View of an Skeptic. Why the West has given up the Equal Distance Approach?

100%

Warzecha L.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2004

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issue 15

175-201

EN

In 1998 and 1999 the NATO had a limited strategic choice: to inform that the Kosovo conflict is not in its sphere of interests and is an internal problem of Yugoslavia, which could lead to the international CSCE and UN involvement, or to get involved in the conflict. It has picked the latter. The operation called 'Allied Force' lasted 78 days and has been a military blitz. According to the author, the fundamental question in that conflict however was not that who is right but that one what is the purpose of intervention? What are our interests, which solutions are the best? What are the potential gains and losses? In author's opinion the Kosovo conflict shows a gradual departing from the equal distance or balance of power to one-side support. His theses are comprised in three chapters: Shaken balance, War from a Sky, and Pyrrhic Victory. Among many often forgotten elements, which have influenced the NATO decisions, was the activity of Kosovians of Albanian descent, which dragged the West into the war in their cause. Author encourages the reader to draw conclusions from that conflict in order to avoid such situations in the future.

Refine search results

POLAND - GERMANY: SOFT POWER TOOLS IN FOREIGN POLICY (Polska - Niemcy: narzedzia miekkiej sily w polityce zagranicznej)

THE PAST IN THE PRESENT. THE EXPULSED GERMAN IN POLISH MEDIA

THE ANTI-MISSILE SHIELD AS AN INSTRUMENT OF AMERICAN SUPREMACY IN THE INTERNATIONAL SECURITY SYSTEM (Tarcza antyrakietowa, jako instrument amerykanskiej supremacji w miedzynarodowym systemie bezpieczenstwa)

CIVIC EDUCATION IN LATVIA? NO, THANKS, WE WILL JUST STICK TO PATRIOTIC UPBRINGING

'NEW' GERMAN PATRIOTISM

CATALAN NATIONALISM (Nacjonalizm katalonski)

SPECIFIC LEGAL AND SYSTEMIC FEATURES OF THE FUNCTION OF THE HEAD OF STATE'S POLITICAL ARBITRAGE (Prawnoustrojowa specyfikacja funkcji arbitrazu politycznego glowy panstwa)

LUBUSKIE PROVINCE - THE POTENTIAL OF THE REGION'S INFRASTRUCTURE

The model of societal evolution