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EN
Complex ethnic situation aggravated by problems associated with status of languages of the particular ethnic and national groups of the former Yugoslavia in the last 30 years caused evolution of analyses of social and political aspects of functioning of the language, which were extremely important not only in the perspective of the Slavic languages. As the status of the Serbo-Croatian language was the source of most of controversies, majority of papers refer to that very problem. The latest book by a Croatian linguist, Dubravko Skiljan, 'Govor nacije' (Zagreb 2002) offers a novel and interestingly inspiring interpretation of the issues. The book proposes the thesis which to a considerable degree relies on achievements of the Western sociolinguistics, especially that presented by J. Fishman. However, the undisputable merit is due to Skiljan for combining the theories functioning to date into a common and complex model that well explains the processes in which the Slavonic languages take their shape. The most important compounds of that model are: (1) Differentiation between the notions of communicational community/group, language community and national community, and also defining the relations and dependencies between the groups defined by those terms and notions. (2) Presentation of roles of elites in the process of formation of national languages. (3) Reversal of the perspective of description in which it is not the language that contributes to formation of a national community but the pursued by elites goal of the planned community is the most decisive factor in shaping the form and transformations of a given idiom.
EN
The article presents examples of conflicts that emerged in the Slavic linguistics which, similarly to the lexical disputes within the Slavonic world emerge from profound ideological and religious differences and are further inflamed by their authors' varying perception of tradition. Another words, based on the socio-political differences, are then transplanted into the world of science (viz. discussions on the language differentiation between the Kaszub and the Silesian ethnic groups, the language and linguistic conflicts in the domain of functioning of the Serbo-Croatian language, fierce disputes between the Bulgarians and Macedonians, Czechs and Slovaks, problems with defining stratification of factions of the contemporary Slovenian language or with the status of the Ukrainian and Belarus languages). In order to succeed with the objective record of the phenomena of the type, the author proposes to include the elements of culture, politology, history and sociology into the linguistic analyses. However, at the same time the author warns that as the problems to be analysed are often of very complex nature, a scholar not equipped with his or her profound linguist knowledge will inevitably fail to succeed in the study, similarly as the sociolinguistic methodology used by the scholars to date also fails to suffice for the purpose. Thus the author refers to the definition of the philology as it was presented by Jan Baudouin de Courtenay who considered it to be an inter-disciplinary science whose purpose was the deep, profound and complex study of other cultures, societies and humans through texts and the language of a particular group.
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EN
The article reviews the progress of a discussion in the circles of the Croatian linguists on what the status of the Croatian language is and on the essence of the name of the language that is contemporarily used by the Croatians. The discussion started fiercely at the end of 1990s, already after the disintegration of the old Yugoslavia and the Serbo-Croatian language and results from a clash of varying views and opinions on the extent of the language community that presently uses the language. In the concise form, the article presents the points made by both proponents and opponents of the language unity of the Croats, the Bosnians, the Serbs and the Montenegros. The quoted points made in the discussions refer to the linguistic, socio-political and legal arguments adopted when the languages are differentiated as and when those languages emerged as separate entities. The linguistic criteria involve such elements like the grammatical structure and composition of the lexicon of particular idioms, their genesis, dialectal base and the scope of inter- and mutual-comprehensibility of the texts in the Serbian, Croatian, Bosnian and Montenegroan languages. The criteria of the socio-political character refer to the symbolic function of the language in the process of building the structure of national identity of each and every national community. Further, factors of the legislating nature regulating the languages were also taken into consideration, especially as for the right of every nation and ethnic group to protect and develop its own language. In addition to that, the text of the article presents the problems and solutions in the domain of terminology that were adopted by the Croatians after the mid 1960s, the ones that were aimed at eliminating the usage of the phrase: 'the Serbo-Croatian language'. Those proposals were also remembered in the present discussion. In the conclusion of the article its author makes the point that the sharpness of the discussion conducted in the Croatian circles on the status and the name of their language results less from the requirement to defend the language in the international scene, but is used predominantly to reinforce the coherence of the society; that point is further supported by the quoted latest memorandum of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts (dated February 2005) on the risks that the Croatian language presently faces.
EN
The article presents an unknown document found in the posthumous legacy of Miroslav Krleza, in which the writer presents the circumstances of the creation of the Croatian Declaration on language dated 1967. The publication of the Declaration and the repressions their signatories met constitute one of the most important elements of the contemporary Croatian linguistic and national tradition. This is due to the fact that the signatories of the Declaration were former founders of the independent Croatian State and the document itself constitutes a proof of an incessant struggle of Croats for their linguistic and national independence. In this context statements made by Krleza in the published document saying that the Declaration was reputed to be a provocation aimed at the pro-nationally oriented part of Croatian intelligentsia sound sensational. The authors of this provocation were supposed to be Marxist intellectuals gathered around the journal 'Praxis', acting with the knowledge and approval of the Croatian party authorities. Considering the extraordinary content of this document and its meaning for the newest history of the Croatian language, the author found it important to present it in extenso along with commentaries concerning the circumstances in which the document was created.
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Serbian Issues with Vuk's Tradition after 1991

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EN
Since at least mid eighties of the twentieth century Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic has been perceived in Serbian social life not only as a language reformer, but first of all as a founder of Serbian national ideology. The thesis credited to him about one Serbian nation using one common language (based on stokavian dialect) although belonging to various confessions and living in different countries, has been developed both by the group of linguists close to Pavle Ivic, as well as followers of radical national concepts - authors and signatories of The Declaration about the Serbian Language. Anyway, those groups have been heavily conflicted. The third national stream in Serbia treats Vuk's tradition negatively. It comes from the group of people connected with the Serbian Orthodox Church, cultivating the national idea typical for so called 'svetosavlje'. According to this concept Karadzic is main originator of Serbian nation misfortune within recent 200 years. He led to language impoverishment and intelectual diminishment of Serbs, also by breaking with orthodox tradition, he gave the Serbs over for a prey to Vatican and degenerate nations of Western Europe.
EN
The first part of the article discusses principles of using the Croatian pronouns of 'njezin' and 'njen' (her) that so far have been set by the authors of books of Croatian grammar and other 'How to speak and write correctly' - type publications. Recommendation for lexical form of the pronouns (njezin vs. njen) have been considered, also the declension type (inflection of nouns vs. inflection of adjectives and /or pronouns) and the rules for usage of .flexion endings' development of those pronouns in the inflection of adjectives and/or pronouns (for example Gen. sg m, n '-og' vs. '-oga'). The first part of the article ends with a discussion of normativistic stand vs. variants of the endings used in Dat. and Loc. sg m and n ( '-u' vs.' -e'). Individual issues have been compared to the rules of the Serbian normativists. In the second part of the article, the normative rules have been put to test by the study of the material. The source of the material are the press texts which had been put into the electronic corpus of the Croatian language. The analysis proved the tight relation exists between lexical form of the pronoun as is used in a number of texts on the one hand, and its inflectional forms on the other. It has been revealed that the structures of type 'njezina brata' (her brother'), based on the form 'njezin' and declension according to the noun paradigm, which so far have been considered to be typically Croatian structures, are predominantly used in writings of a national(istic) character, while the structures common with the Serbian norm of the type of 'njenog brata' (basing on the form of 'njen', that are inflected in line with the adjectival-pronoun paradigm, without developed of the inflectional ending) are overwhelmingly present in periodicals that may be described as liberal. The phenomenon proves unequivocally that the Croatian linguistic norm has been ideologised.
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