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EN
In Poland, freedom of press is a systemic principle that protects the rule of law. Relevant regulations regarding this matter are included in the constitution in force since 1997. However, other legal regulations contain solutions that raise objections of the journalistic environment and are described as repressive towards the media. The Article 212 of the Penal Code provides for example a criminal penalty of up to one-year imprisonment for the offense of defamation using mass media. According to journalistic circles, such a provision negatively affects journalistic practice causing the so-called “chilling effect”, i.e. unwillingness to undertake controversial subjects. The discussed issue is analyzed in the light of the provisions of the Constitution, jurisprudence of the Constitutional Tribunal, the Press Law Act, as well as selected articles of the Penal Code.
PL
Wolność prasy jest w Polsce zasadą ustrojową, która zabezpiecza rządy prawa. Odpowiednie regulacje dotyczące tej materii są zapisane w konstytucji obowiązującej od 1997 r. Jednak w innych regulacjach prawnych są zapisane rozwiązania, które budzą opór środowiska dziennikarskiego i są określane jako represyjne w stosunku do mediów. Takim rozwiązaniem jest art. 212 kodeksu karnego, który przewiduje m.in. sankcję karną do roku pozbawienia wolności za przestępstwo zniesławienia za pomocą mediów. Według środowisk dziennikarskich taki przepis negatywnie wpływa na praktykę dziennikarską powodując tzw. „efekt mrożący”, czyli niechęć do podejmowania kontrowersyjnych tematów. Omawiane zagadnienie jest analizowane w świetle zapisów konstytucji, orzecznictwa Trybunału Konstytucyjnego, przepisów prawa prasowego, a także wybranych artykułów kodeksu karnego.
EN
The paper analyses the use of online media to conduct information policy in the parishes of the Roman Catholic Church in the Rzeszów diocese. The basis for the analysis is provided by two co-authored studies on the information policy of priests in the Diocese of Rzeszów conducted jointly with Dr Zbigniew Chmielewski at the turn of 2012 and 2013, and later repeated in 2018. The research was altogether carried out on the basis of similar methodological assumptions, which were implemented in a series of anonymous questionnaires. The paper focuses on the part of the research that concerned the use of Internet-related (online) media in the communication activities of the parish website, as well as social media (both official parish profiles in social media, as well as private profiles of priests).
PL
Artykuł dotyczy sporu o powszechną lustrację dziennikarzy, która miała być wprowadzona na podstawie rozwiązań prawnych z okresu tzw. IV Rzeczpospolitej, projektu politycznego realizowanego w Polsce w latach 2005–2007. W tekście skoncentrowano się na sporze środowiska dziennikarskiego o lustrację dziennikarzy regulowaną ustawą, która weszła w życie w 2007 r. Ostatecznie przepis o lustracji dziennikarzy został uznany przez Trybunał Konstytucyjny za niezgodny z konstytucją. Artykuł jest częścią projektu badawczego dotyczącego relacji IV Rzeczpospolitej z mediami w latach 2005–2007. Autor bada różne aspekty tych relacji. Są to zarówno badania prasoznawcze wybranych tytułów prasowych w odniesieniu do konkretnych wydarzeń politycznych z lat 2005– 2007, jak i analizy problemowe dotyczące niektórych aspektów związanych z funkcjonowaniem mediów. Przeprowadzenie i poszerzenie zakresu lustracji było jednym z postulatów pr ogramowych IV Rzeczpospolitej, miało służyć oczyszczeniu państwa z naleciałości PRL. Propozycja powszechnej lustracji dziennikar zy wywołała jednak ostry spór w środowisku dziennikarskim w Polsce. Przeciwnicy zapisów lustracyjnych argumentowali, że mogą one godzić w konstytucyjne zapisy dotyczące wolności słowa. Podnoszono także, że to sami dziennikarze, a nie władze państwowe mają dbać o wiarygodność zawodu dziennikarskiego. Kilku znanych dziennikarzy zapowiedziało, że mimo zapisów ustawowych nie podda się lustracji. W środowisku dziennikarskim byli jednak krytycy takiej postawy. Uważali oni, że podstawą pracy dziennikarza jest wiarygodność, która daje mandat do występowania w imieniu opinii publicznej. Ich zdaniem bojkot składania oświadczeń lustracyjnych wystawiał na szwank wiarygodność dziennikarską.
EN
The article touches upon disputes about obligatory Lustration of journalists. Those restrictions was planned to be imposed under legislation from the political project (2005- 2007) during the IV Republic of Poland. The article focuses on the dispute within the journalistic environment connected with Lustration, which came into force in 2007. Ultimately, this obligation was recognized by Constitutional Tribunal as illegal. The article is a part of a research project connected with relations between the IV Republic of Poland and the media in the years 2005–2007. It consists of the research into different newspaper titles connected with political events from 2005–2007 as well as articles connected with chosen aspects of the functioning of the media system in Poland. Implementing and broadening the scope of Lustration was one of the postulates of the program of the IV Republic of Poland, which was intended to purge the state of the remnants of the People's Republic of Poland. However, the proposal of general lustration of journalists caused a sharp dispute among the journalists in Poland. Opponents of the provisions of Lustration argued that they could breech constitutional provisions regarding freedom of speech. It was also argued that it was the journalists themselves, and not the state authorities, who ought to take care of the credibility of the journalist profession. That is why several well-known journalists announced that, despite the statutory provisions, they would not submit to Lustration. In the journalistic milieu, however, there were critics of this attitude. They believed that the basis of a journalist's work is credibility, which provides a basis for acting on behalf of the public. In their opinion, a boycott of Lustration jeopardized journalistic credibility.
EN
The main purpose of the article is to present and analyse press studies which concern the coming into existence of the government coalition and the period of collaborative government by the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość), The Polish Family League (Liga Polskich Rodzin) and Self-Defence (Samoobrona) in 2006. It is the latest contribution to examinations related to press studies which concern the structure of the so-called IV Republic, the political project carried out in Poland in the years 2005–2007. Examinations included the analysis about the attitudes of the media to the construction of the IV Republic. The described analysis in the present article concerns three daily newspapers “Gazeta Wyborcza”, “Rzeczpospolita” and “Nasz Dziennik”. Examinations were conducted based on an analysis of the contents of the press.
EN
The main purpose of the article is to present the unique authors researches related to press studies, which concern political leaders and the political groups involved in the socalled project of construction of the IV Republic. Researches covered the period after the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2005. The press analysis include the “Gazeta Wyborcza” and “Republic”, two all-Polish quality newspapers with the highest sales in this section of the press in 2005. The main purpose of this research is an analysis of the attitudes of chosen titles to politicians and political groups which co-create the authority camp of IV Republic of Poland, from the beginning and during the initial activity in 2005. For examinations the method of content analysis was applied.
EN
The article contains the analysis of the results of research on information policy implemented by priests in Roman Catholic parishes in the diocese of Rzeszów. The research was carried out from June to September 2018. It was conducted on the basis of anonymous questionnaire interviews. The research group consisted of 85 priests. The aim of the research is to analyze the application of information policy tools in the parishes of Rzeszów diocese and to check how priests define the concept of information policy, as well as what kind of tools they use to communicate with the faithful and which of them are preferred by their parishioners. Moreover, the author wanted to find out if they see the need for educational activities in the field of communication.
EN
In Roman Catholic Church diocese in Rzeszów in December 2012 and January 2013 research was conducted, the main purpose of which was to define how information policy among priests and parishioners looks. During the research it was diagnosed what is meant by the definition of information policy between Church and parishioners. The research has also shown what kind of tools are used in order to communicate with parishioners and if these tools are efficient. The report presents the main communication barriers and what makes this communication more difficult as well. There were 81 respondents, who came from 81 different parishes within the diocese.
EN
This article presents reflections on the assumptions, goals and tools used by the district authorities of Podkarpackie Province in their external information policy. The authors have tried to answer the following questions: whether the counties maintain conscious relations with the media, what these relations look like, and also whether the journalists are interested in the issues of self-government (according to local authori-ties). Moreover, the intensity of the use of selected communication tools – standard and non-standard – has been described. The article has also aimed to determine what tools of external communication will be used by the counties in the future. The conclusions presented in the article were based on the results of a survey conducted by the authors with the heads of Podkarpackie counties in the first half of 2012.
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