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1

Europeizacja polityk publicznych

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Riedel R.
Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne
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2015
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vol. 18
56 - 72
EN
The objective of the paper is to investigate the state of the art in the research on Europeanization of public policies. In the first step it operationalizes the concept of Europeanization for the purpose of analyzing its influence on the public policies. Next, it overviews the methods in which this problem is researched in other EU member states and then consequently it applies this conclusions into the research concept. The article is illustrated with both quantitative data on the scope of the European legislation penetration in today’s Europe as well as qualitative exemplifications in the field of public health and environment in Poland.
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Analiza argumentów za i przeciwko uczestnictwu w unii monetarnej w świetle teorii optymalnych obszarów walutowych

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Riedel R.
Rocznik Europeistyczny
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2015
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issue 1
161-179
EN
The objective of the paper is to look at the major claims for and against participation in a monetary union in the light of the optimum currency areas theory. Th e supranationalisation of the decision making in the monetary policy brings about serious economic and political consequences — which are evaluated in an extremely different manner by various actors. Taking into account these ambiguities, the above mentioned dilemma needs to be addressed by scholarly reflection.
3
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Kapitalizm a demokracja – ekonomia polityczna

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Riedel R.
Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość
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2015
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vol. 12
153-168
EN
The objective of the paper is to discuss the correlations between capitalism and democracy in the context of the main questions of political economy. Both capitalism and democracy belong to the most intensely debated issues among philosophers, thinkers and scholars. They remain in complicated relations determining one another. At the same time the current dynamism of their relations constitutes one of the most challenging research agenda for economists, political scientists and representatives of other disciplines. This paper aims at building bridges between the economic and political perspectives offering refreshed deliberations on the correlations between democratic and capitalist logics.
4
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Standarty demokracji przedstawicielskiej w Unii Europejskiej a equilibrium legiymizacyjne w czasach kryzysu

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Riedel R.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2013
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issue 2
s.9-32
EN
The two important events that shape our thinking about the democratic standards within the European Union and its member states at the break of the first and second decade of the XXI century are: the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as the economic crisis in some members of the euro-zone. This analysis examines the major claims of the Treaty on democracy, its mechanisms and legitimacy. Subsequently, it contextualises them in the existing literature on democratic deficit and the legitimacy questions in the multilevel governance system of the EU. The author builds a scheme which reflects the channels of legitimacy in the decision-making process which the EU is entertaining. This system is then confronted with the problem of the current economic crisis. The ‘rescue policies’ intervention of the EU is criticised by many for violating the vox populi in the indebted countries. Therefore, this paper reflects upon the tension between democratically justified but economically irresponsible decisions on the one side, and the austerity measures imposed as a consequence of the previous decisions imposed from the outside and therefore seen as ‘undemocratic’. The author concludes that the present legitimacy equilibrium is sufficient to democratically justify the austerity measures imposed on the reform-resistant economies.
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Patient’s Cross-border Mobility Directive: Application, Performance and Perceptions Two Years after Transposition

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Riedel R.
Baltic Journal of European Studies
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2016
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vol. 6
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issue 2
58-75
EN
This paper seeks to analyse the directive on the application of patients’ rights in cross-border healthcare. Two years after the transposition, it is time for first evaluations of its application, performance and perception. The analysis consists of three major elements: reconstruction of the legal scope and subject matter of the new legislation, conclusions of the evaluative reports monitoring its implementation and performance as well as the public opinion polls revealing the EU citizens’ perception of its details. These three components combined together deliver a picture of the state of play about the pan-European cross-border patients’ mobility. The bottomline conclusions negatively verify the supposition present in some earlier literature on patients’ cross-border mobility that the directive has a transformative potential leading towards the creation of truly competitive pan-European medical market. After two years of its operation, there is still no increased patients’ mobility across EU internal borders observed. As regards the speculations for the future, there are only some weak symptoms identified and they may result in intensified cross-border mobility for healthcare.
6
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Unia Europejska – hybrydowy system polityczny. Multilevel governance jako kompromis pomiędzy intergovernmentalizmem a supranacjonalizmem

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Riedel R.
Przegląd Socjologiczny
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2008
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vol. 57
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issue 2
67-79
PL
Autor niniejszego tekstu próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy współczesna Unia Europejska jest już systemem politycznym, czy też pozostaje jeszcze cały czas w domenie międzyrządowej, stanowiąc jedynie nadbudowę nad tradycyjnie rozumianymi państwowymi systemami politycznymi. W odpowiedzi na to pytanie posługuje się argumentacją, którą wypracowała dotychczasowa refleksja naukowa – głównie w nurcie intergovernmentalizmu oraz supranacjonalizmu. Również poszczególne teorie integracji europejskiej stanowią tu istotny punkt odniesienia (przede wszystkim federalizm i (neo)funkcjonalizm), ponieważ były one dotychczas tworzone i stosowane w dużym stopniu w ‘zaangażowany’ sposób. A więc nie były wolne – szczególnie w swojej warstwie normatywnej, poprzez formułowanie sądów postulatywnych – od bieżącej polityki. Szczególna uwaga poświęcona jest w niniejszym opracowaniu koncepcji multi-level governance (MLG) – wielopoziomowego rządzenia, która wydaje się stanowić rozsądny kompromis pomiędzy, często, przeciwstawną argumentacją ‘międzyrządowców i ‘liberałów’.
EN
This paper seeks to give an answer to the question whether the European Union has formed an emancipated political system yet, or still belongs to the supranational domain, creating only an umbrella-type institutional constellation over the traditionally understood state political systems. To answer this question, the author explores argumentation that is delivered by the specific theoretical approaches, including realist, liberal, or (neo)functional paradigms. Special attention is paid to the multilevel governance model, which seems to offer a reasonable compromise for the struggling intergovernmentalists and liberals. At the same time this theoretical concept provides the researchers with descriptive and explanatory power that captures the hybrid nature of the EU at the various levels and dimensions of the integration processes in Europe
7
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Economic Nationalism and Populism – Intertwining Relations

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Riedel R.
Przegląd Politologiczny
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2017
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issue 3
7-20
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie analizy dwóch, bardzo ściśle powiązanych ze sobą kategorii, nacjonalizmu ekonomicznego oraz ekonomicznego populizmu. Obie kategorie przenikają się zarówno w realnej polityce, jak i w refleksji akademickiej. Mimo bardzo bogatego dyskursu naukowego na temat obydwu, ich badacze cały czas spierają się nie tylko na temat tego jak je wyjaśniać, ale nawet co do ich zasadniczych treści. Zaproponowana analiza stanowi odpowiedź na ten deficyt i próbuje skupić się na związkach ekonomicznego populizmu i nacjonalizmu. W pierwszej kolejności dokonana została rekonstrukcja podstawowych sposobów rozumienia nacjonalizmu ekonomicznego – jego elementów konstytutywnych, jego historyczności, periodyzacji, jak również podstawowych kategoryzacji. Następna część koncentruje swoją uwagę na populizmie, eksponując jednocześnie jego wymiar ekonomiczny. W części konkludywnej, podobnie jak w całym tekście, autor uwypukla zachodzące relacje pomiędzy nacjonalizmem i populizmem ekonomicznym, ich wzajemnie nachodzące na siebie elementy oraz elementy rozbieżne. Początki populizmu (jako ruchu) były z natury ekonomiczne. Populizm ekonomiczny (jako swego rodzaju “pusta” ideologia) przenika nacjonalizm, kreując wiele z jego współczesnych (re)inkarnacji. Zarówno ekonomiczny populizm, jak i nacjonalizm gospodarczy stają się coraz bardziej istotnymi kategoriami analitycznymi, w związku z rosnącym znaczeniem sił nacjonalistycznych i populistycznych, i z tego powodu wymagają zaawansowanej refleksji naukowej.
EN
The objective of the paper is to analyse two very closely related categories, economic nationalism and economic populism. They intertwine both in the lived politics on the ground and in intellectual debates. Despite a rich interdisciplinary discourse, scholars interested in economic nationalism and economic populism still disagree not only how to explain them, but more fundamentally – about what they are and what their relation is. This paper answers this deficit by addressing the question of the intertwining connections between economic nationalism and populism. In the first instance it reconstructs the basic definitions of economic nationalism – its constitutive elements, its historicity and periodization as well as its main categorisations. The next section focuses on economic populism, it starts with reconstructing the general definitions of populism and then consequently emphasises its economic dimension. In the conclusive part, as well as in throughout the argumentation of whole text, the author highlights the relations between economic nationalism and populism, their overlapping components and elements that they do not share. The origins of populism (as a movement) were economic in nature. Economic populism (as an empty-hearted ideology) is intertwined with nationalism in many of its contemporary (re)incarnations. Both economic nationalism and populism are increasingly important due to their raising political popularity and they require a closer look and scholarly attention.
8
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Ekonomia polityczna jako interdyscyplinarne podejście do studiów nad integracją europejską

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Riedel R.
Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
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2016
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issue 10
37-50
EN
The objective of the article is to see the studies on European integration from the perspective of the political economy, which allows to capture the two most important dimensions of the European Union, that is the economic and political one. It also stimulates the dialog between the two ways of theorising the European integration. The proposed text reconstructs the economic discourse in the European studies (in a way which is friendly for non-economists’) and helps to better understand the processes, phenomena and mechanics of international integration.
PL
Celem niniejszego tekstu jest spojrzenie na studia z zakresu integracji europejskiej z perspektywy ekonomii politycznej. Zabieg taki pozwala na uchwycenie dwóch głównych wymiarów natury Unii Europejskiej, tj. ekonomicznego i politycznego, jak również stymulowania dialogu pomiędzy tymi dwoma sposobami teoretyzowania integracji europejskiej. Niniejszy tekst przybliża zasadniczo ekonomiczny dorobek w zakresie studiów europejskich (w sposób przystępny dla nie-ekonomistów), pozwalając na lepsze zrozumienie procesów, zjawisk i mechanizmów integracji międzynarodowej.
9

Teoria optymalnych obszarów walutowych a budowa unii walutowej w Europie

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Riedel R.
Przegląd Europejski
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2013
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issue 2(28)
7-16
PL
Aktualny kryzys gospodarczy w Europie zakwestionował samo sedno projektu integracyjnego w Europie – waluty euro. W związku z tym zasadne jest odniesienie się do samych koncepcyjnych podstaw Unii Gospodarczej i Walutowej, czyli teorii optymalnych obszarów walutowych Roberta Mundella. Warto zadać sobie pytanie, czego uczy nas kryzys i jakie aplikowane są środki naprawcze, a także jak aktualna sytuacja weryfikuje ową teorię. Celem niniejszej analizy jest rekonstrukcja głównych twierdzeń teorii optymalnych obszarów walutowych i próba ich interpretacji przez pryzmat stanu zaawansowania w europejskiej unii walutowej i szerzej w Unii Europejskiej jako takiej. Podobnie jak proces integracji europejskiej wymyka się ramom tradycyjnych teorii stosunków międzynarodowych, tak samo unikatowość konstrukcji europejskiej unii walutowej przejawia się również w wymiarze teoretycznym. Widać, że klasyczne teorie, takie jak teoria optymalnych obszarów walutowych nie stanowią skutecznego wehikułu eksplanacyjnego pozwalającego zrozumieć, wyjaśnić i – co najważniejsze – prognozować proces budowy unii walutowej i jej komponentów.
EN
The current economic crisis questioned the very core of the integration project in Europe – the euro. It is therefore legitimate to challenge the intellectual foundations of the Economic and Monetary Union, namely the ‘Optimal Currency Areas’ (OCA) theory by Robert Mundell. What can we learn from the crisis and the applied recovery measures about the theoretical assumptions, how the present situation verifies the key statements of the theory, how should we interpret its conclusions in the prism of the crisis – its origins and consequences. This paper aims at the better understanding of the current state of the monetary union building process in Europe. It informs us that just like the classical IR theories do not stick precisely to the EU – integration processes, the same the OCA theory is not a universal remedy for the better explanations of all the nuances of economic governance in the European Union and it cannot act as the ultimate reference point in the conceptualizations on the optimal construction of the monetary union in Europe.
10
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Silesia Agglomeration – Identity in Transition : Supranational Identifications in Multi-Cultural Europe

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Riedel R.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2010
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vol. 39
158-190
EN
Silesia has always been a challenge for scientists as well as politicians, most importantly however – its people. Not many analysts and practitioners succeeded in coping with this challenge. Strategic character of this land made its inhabitants hostages to geopolitical interests of states representing different cultures, languages and religions. Remaining at the front line of (what Samuel Huntington would call) civilizations, Silesia was expossed to this long-lasting process which resulted in specific type of identity, which the author dares call hybrid identity. It also resulted in a number of paradoxes, like for example unique model of modernization based on industrial infrastructure development accompanied by adequate work culture and civilizational patterns from one side, and from the other side closing Silesian communities in tribalism and traditionalism.
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Johan P. Olsen, Governing Through Institution Building. Institutional Theory and Recent European Experiments in Democratic Organization, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2010, ss. 272

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Riedel R.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2011
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vol. 27
162-165
12
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Dyrektywa o transgranicznej mobilności pacjentów – uwarunkowania ekonomiczno-polityczne oraz prawno-administracyjne

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Riedel R.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2016
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vol. 51
155-166
EN
This paper seeks to investigate the directive on trans-border patients’ mobility – its scope, implementation, performance and perception as well as its potential to act as a founding stone of truly competitive market of healthcare services on a pan-European scale. Its impact goes far beyond delivering a legal framework for European Union citizens receiving medical services outside of their country of origin, it may be one of the major driving forces behind the process of harmonization of healthcare system across Europe.
PL
Celem niniejszego tekstu jest analiza dyrektywy o transgranicznej mobilności pacjentów – jej zakresu, implementacji, funkcjonowaniu i percepcji, jak również jej potencjału w zakresie budowy paneuropejskiego rynku usług medycznych. Jej wpływ może sięgać daleko poza uregulowania prawne wspomagające pacjentów udających się za granicę w celu korzystania z usług medycznych. Potencjalnie może ona stanowić jeden z fundamentów przyszłej harmonizacji systemów opieki zdrowotnej w skali europejskiej.
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"Spillover" in action – Neofunctionalism Revisited. Freedom to Provide Services Outside the Country of Establishment and its Consequences

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Riedel R.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2008
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vol. 37
85-105
EN
Services sum up to 70 % of EU’s GDP, and just 20 % of cross-border trade of the European Union – partly due to the unjusti! ed regulatory and administrative burdens implied on different levels of member states administration. The existence of those barriers has stimulated the works on the directive freeing the service sector and implementing a number of rules that may potentially become milestones of integration, compared only to such “history making” moments as Single European Act or Maastricht Treaty."The freedom to provide service outside the country of establishment’ principle, previously known as the ‘country of origin’ rule, carries this revolutionary impetus. It will allow a service provider be settled in one EU member state and deliver a service (personally or by delegated employees) in another one with all the legal consequences, especially: some aspects of taxation and social security contributions. Unsurprisingly, it has become one of the most controversial legal acts debated in the last decades Europe-wide. This principle may, to a large extend, undermine the foundations of welfare state, especially in the Western part of continental Europe, as it may force the regulated capitalism oriented countries (like Scandinavian ones) to verify their social policies accordingly to competition pressure coming from lower social standards member states. This may, as it is speculated in this paper, fuel the harmonising of social policies on Community level. Free movement of services was introduced fifty years ago, however it has been usually interpreted from the consumers’ perspective: free access to the service by service consumer relocation or trans-border trading. Service provider relocation was tolerated only when accompanied with establishment in the consumer’s country. The Service Directive, following the logic of previous European Court of Justice verdicts, introduces – on the secondary law level – the freedom to be established in another country than the country where the service is provided. This practical challenge is examined theoretically on the grounds of neofuncionalist rationale, as the discussed directive, by its supporters called: the greatest improvement of the internal market since its creation, can act as an empirical proof of neofunctionalism theory applicability. Implementing this approach, especially the revitalised spillover mechanism, is an efficient theoretical vehicle showing satisfactory exploratory power, as well as allowing speculations about the future development on the edge of politics and economy within European integration process. It also highlights the behaviour of supranational actors creating ‘stress among the states’ to progress the integration into the desirable direction (cultivated spillover). The deliberations in this paper are rooted in exempli! cations of so far practices infringing the free movement of services rule, as well as enriched with some argumentation for and against this form of directive (transformative decisions and legitimacy / democracy de! cit). The arguments used are deeply rooted in ! nal version text of the directive accompanied by interpretation of major principles. In the conclusive part author summarises that theoretical legacy of neofunctionalism – in the case of the Service Directive – seems to be adequate and the deductive argumentation based on it positively veri! es the potential of the theory.
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Book review: Paul Collier, “The Bottom Billion”, Oxford University Press, 2007

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Riedel R.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2008
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vol. 37
218-220
EN
Paul Collier’s recent publication: ”The Bottom Billion” tries to give an answer to the question stated on the cover: why are the poorest countries failing and what can be done about it? Collier points at fifty states claiming that the real problem lies there, affecting circa one billion of their population. The sources of the decline in living standards are identified in four groups: the trap of a conflict, natural resources – usually being a part of the problem, less frequently part of the solution, the problem of being landlocked by “bad neighbors” and last but not least – bad governance.
15
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Transpozycja dyrektywy a problem deficytu demokratycznego w Unii Europejskiej

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Riedel R.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2010
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vol. 23
209-222
EN
The long transposition periods in implementing a directive (sometimes expanding to 2–3 years) as well as the two-stages procedure of secondary low legislative process generate justifiable arguments that this processe lacks democratic legitimacy. The reason is that the past majority – very oft en delegitimized later on in forthcoming elections – expands its mandate in time over the new majority, which may differ significantly in terms of preferences and orientation. This creates discontinuity problem, which enriches the democratic deficit discourse that has tradition reaching the 70. XX century. The author uses decision theory framework as well as multi-level governance approach which are the most adequate theoretical vehicles in the proposed analysis.
16
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Lukáš Vomlela, Petr Hušek (przy współpracy: Petr Hlaváček, Dušan Janák, Martin Stanoev), Regionalne elity polityczne w kraju morawsko‑śląskim i województwie śląskim w latach 2000-2012. Opawa: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Opawie, 2014, ss. 121

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Riedel R.
Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis
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2015
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vol. 15
PL
Praca pt. Regionalne elity polityczne w kraju morawsko‑śląskim i województwie śląskim w latach 2000-2012 autorstwa Lukáša Vomleli oraz Petra Huška (napisana przy współpracy Petra Hlaváčka, Dušana Janáka, Martina Stanoeva - pracowników Centrum Badań Empirycznych, Wydziału Polityk Publicznych, Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Opawie), jest wynikiem projektu badawczego realizowanego w ramach programu mikroprojektów Euroregionu Silesia. Analiza ta wpisuje się w transgraniczną współpracę terytorialną w wymiarze naukowym i jest jedną z pierwszych podejmowanych na Śląsku w tak zdefiniowanym obszarze badawczym. Jest to ważna publikacja, której Autorzy koncentrują się na analizie ewolucji regionalnych elit politycznych w perspektywie porównawczej (pomiędzy regionem morawsko‑śląskim a województwem śląskim). Stanowi więc ona znaczący wkład w lepsze zrozumienie procesów politycznych zachodzących na poziomie regionalnym (i ich interakcji z poziomem centralnym) w dwóch krajach środkowo‑europejskich, ponad dwie dekady po 1989 roku, jak również po dokonanych - zarówno w Polsce, jak i w Czechach - reformach administracyjnych.
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Polityczna debata na temat modelu społecznego w Europie

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Riedel R.
Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis
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2007
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vol. 3
PL
Rafał Riedel w opracowaniu Polityczna debata na temat modelu społecznego w Europie podjął próbę rekonstrukcji i weryfikacji stanowisk związanych z jednym z najważniejszych dylematów integracyjnych Unii Europejskiej, jakim jest model społeczny integrującej się Europy.
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Populism and Its Democratic, Non-Democratic, and Anti-Democratic Potential

100%
Riedel R.
Polish Sociological Review
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2017
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vol. 199
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issue 3
287-298
EN
The starting point of this paper is the acknowledgement that the DNA of populism is democratic. At the same time, it may bring undemocratic or even counter-democratic consequences when it questions and contests liberalism and pluralism. This paper maps the key arguments on the relations between populism and authoritarianism, and discusses the risk of democratic backsliding as a result of authoritarian populism gaining power. This topic is critically important and growing urgent with the rising wave of populism across the Western world. Due to its chameleonic nature, populism (as a “thin-centered” or “empty-hearted” ideology) manifests itself in various (re)incarnations and intertwines with nationalism, libertarianism, and also radical left-wing ideas or any other ideology from across the wide political spectrum. First, the author reconstructs the historicity of populism as well as the most important ways of defining it. Second, he reflects on the major arguments about the consequences for democracy of populist politics. Finally, in conclusion, he discusses the threat of authoritarianism that populism brings to liberal democracy and democracy as such.
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Paweł Janusz Borkowski, Polityczne teorie integracji międzynarodowej, Wydawnictwo Difin, Warszawa 2007, ss. 216

100%
Riedel R.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2008
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vol. 20
211-213
20
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Eurosceptycyzm w kontekście kryzysu gospodarczego w Europie

100%
Riedel R.
Studia Ekonomiczne
|
2015
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vol. 228
176-185
PL
Celem podjętej analizy jest ukazanie zjawiska EUROsceptycyzmu (rozumianego jako zespół negatywnych poglądów na temat unii walutowej w Europie) w kontekście kryzysu gospodarczego trawiącego Europę. Artykuł jest poświęcony lepszemu zrozumieniu i doprecyzowaniu relacji pomiędzy unią walutową, kryzysem i zjawiskiem EUROsceptycyzmu. Analiza rozpoczyna się od zdefiniowania zjawiska EUROsceptycyzmu, aby następnie doprecyzować, o co właściwie chodzi w kryzysie gospodarczym i jaki to ma związek ze strefą euro. W podsumowaniu znajdują się konkluzje na temat relacji pomiędzy EUROsceptycyzmem, strefą euro a kryzysem. Główna hipoteza, którą poddano weryfikacji, zawiera się w stwierdzeniu, że argumenty EUROsceptyczne (szczególnie te wyrosłe na fali kryzysu gospodarczego) mają się nijak do unii walutowej w Europie.
EN
The goal of the undertaken analysis is to show the phenomenon of EUROscepticism (understood as a set of ideas and attitudes oriented negatively towards the monetary union in Europe) in the light of the current economic crisis. This text is devoted to understand the complex relations among the monetary union, crisis and EUROscepticism. It starts with the definition of EUROscepticism, then it précises what is the core of the crisis and what are its relations to the Eurozone. In the summary, the reader may find some conclusions on the relation between and among EUROscepticism, Eurozone and crisis. The main hypothesis that is dealt with can be formulated in a statement that the EUROsceptic arguments (especially these that rose on the wave of the economic crisis) are fairly distant from the mechanisms and rules of the monetary union in Europe.
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