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EN
The aim of the presented paper is to depict the approach of the European Union and its member states towards security in the countries belonging to the Visegrad Group. For V4 countries it is vital to implement such a policy that would make Western Europe aware of the threat and exert political pressure on the countries of the so-called old Union (in particular on France and Germany) to assume a greater responsibility for security and peace in the world as an international organisation and support all actions designed to establish real and effective common defence policy of the EU. Indeed, state security is presently ensured not only by the armed forces of a given country but also through the assurance of obtaining effective assistance (of different kind) from other states and international organisations guaranteed by international agreements.
EN
The primary burden of tackling the pandemic COVID-19 lies with the state as the entity responsible for protecting the health and life of its citizens. Hence, it can be argued that the focus of the pandemic-induced changes to the Polish legal order was on administrative law, which not only sets out the principles of the functioning of the State as the executive power but also governs the relations between the government, local government and citizens, which had to be significantly modified during the pandemic. It would be impossible to analyse and discuss all the emergency measures that appeared in Poland’s administrative law due to the threats posed by the pandemic. The subject matter of the present study is the analysis of the legal solutions adopted in the Republic of Poland in the sphere of public law in connection with the spread of the virus and particular provisions shaping relationships between the two basic structural branches of Polish public administration, viz. the government administration and the local-government administration. The following part of this study will accordingly be devoted to the analysis of the legislative solution contained in Article 11h of the COVID-19 Act, establishing a legal framework for issuing binding instructions to, among others, the various bodies of local governments, local-government legal persons and local-government organisational entities without legal personality.
PL
Projekt Konstytucji dla Europy Wojciecha Bogumiła Jastrzębowskiego stanowi wizję idealnego europejskiego ładu społecznego, którego fundament stanowić ma między innymi powszechne prawo obywatela do wolności i niezależności, do różnorodności i własnej indywidualnej tożsamości, a także prawo do życia w pokoju. Nad wyraz widoczny jest zatem szereg zbieżności, które istnieją pomiędzy przymierzem narodów postulowanym przez Jastrzębowskiego a późniejszymi formami zespolenia, funkcjonującymi i nadal rozwijanymi we współczesnej Europie. Warto zatem przedstawić kilka uwag na temat istniejących podobieństw, ale też i istotnych różnic, między monarchistyczną wizją europejskiego przymierza narodów, przedstawioną przez autora Konstytucji dla Europy, a współczesną realizacją idei jedności kontynentu. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza i charakterystyka istniejących podobieństw, jak również najistotniejszych różnic, między monarchistyczną wizją europejskiego przymierza narodów, przedstawioną przez autora Konstytucji dla Europy, a współczesną realizacją idei jedności kontynentu.
EN
Wojciech Bogumił Jastrzębowski’s draft of a Constitution for Europe is a vision of an ideal European social order, whose foundation is to be found, inter alia, in the citizen’s universal right to freedom and independence, to diversity and individual identity, as well as the right to live in peace. It is thus highly apparent that a number of parallels exist between the alliance of nations postulated by Jastrzębowski and later forms of integration existing and still being developed in contemporary Europe. The aim of this article is to analyse and characterize the existing similarities, and also the most significant differences, between the monarchist vision of the European alliance of nations, as presented by the author of the Constitution for Europe, and the contemporary realisation of the idea of the unity of the continent.
EN
In the light of art. 4 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the nation as a sovereign has the right to steer the state’s policy, express an opinion on governing of the state, as well as codecide with the state organs in the governing process. The nation is a source of power and may assume the role of an arbitrator in conflict situations between constitutional state organs but also in disputes between the subjects of the political scene, which is reflected in the targeting of the activities of public authorities according to the will expressed via a referendum. Due to the introduction of the principle of nation sovereignty in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, it seemed that a nationwide referendum was bound to become an important instrument allowing the expression of opinions and formulation of decisions by the sovereign.
EN
As a state directly neighbouring the arena of armed action, Poland was challenged to prepare legal solutions appropriate to the existing threats in the wake of Russia’s armed aggression against sovereign Ukraine. The adoption of the Act of 11 March 2022 on Defence of the Homeland coincided with the armed conflict beyond the eastern border of our country. These circumstances inspired the authors to analyse systemic solutions involving the municipality in the procedures for minimising the impact of security threats related to a potential armed conflict. The paper aims to characterise the tasks of the commune, which is the basic unit of local government in Poland, to ensure national defence.
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